The European Union has become increasingly important in Dutch politics. The Dutch referendum on the Constitutional Treaty of 2005 marked a turning point, with a growing resistance to European...Show moreThe European Union has become increasingly important in Dutch politics. The Dutch referendum on the Constitutional Treaty of 2005 marked a turning point, with a growing resistance to European integration emerging. This study looks at the gap between Dutch MPs and Dutch voters in positions on European integration and finds that since the 2005 referendum the gap has all but closed.Show less
How is someone's level of political tolerance learned? This research explores the role of parents in learning political tolerance to their children in the ages 15 to 18.
It is interesting to look at what kind of norm the Responsibility to Protect truly is and what the effect of the norm in practice truly is. In theory a norm that creates a responsibility for the...Show moreIt is interesting to look at what kind of norm the Responsibility to Protect truly is and what the effect of the norm in practice truly is. In theory a norm that creates a responsibility for the international community to act when gross human rights violations occur sounds perfect. But, is the norm as perfect in practice as it is on paper? Is the Responsibility to Protect norm specifically created as a political instrument for states to call on so they have grounds to surpass the concept of state sovereignty? In the case that the Responsibility to Protect norm can be seen as a political instrument, is this out of humanitarian reasons or out of political motives? What are the consequences of a norm like the Responsibility to Protect in practice? These questions make clear that I’m curious about the purpose and the use of the Responsibility to Protect norm and for that I will look at different case studies. In these cases the Responsibility to Protect norm will be tested on usefulness to stop the violation of human rights. In order to establish the usefulness of the Responsibility to Protect norm I use four cases. Two prior to the official establishment of the norm, the Kosovo and Chechnya case. And, two case studies after the establishment of the Responsibility to Protect norm in order to see why the international community did or did not use the norm in these human rights crisis. These cases are: Libya (2011) and Syria (2012). I know it is very early to use Libya and Syria as case studies but they are already until this point in history very important to make my argument. In these cases the international community is involved in one way or another, but not always in the way intended by the Responsibility to Protect norm. This makes it interesting to see whether or not the Responsibility to Protect norm is just another hollow norm on paper, without any real effect in practice.Show less
Of het politieke landschap in parlementen wordt bepaald door één of meerdere scheidslijnen is een langlopend debat. In dit onderzoek tracht de onderzoeker door inhoudsanalyse van debatten in het...Show moreOf het politieke landschap in parlementen wordt bepaald door één of meerdere scheidslijnen is een langlopend debat. In dit onderzoek tracht de onderzoeker door inhoudsanalyse van debatten in het Nederlands parlement aan te tonen dat het Nederlandse parlement niet alleen in tweeën wordt gespleten door de scheidslijn van links en rechts, maar ook door een scheidslijn van lokalisme en globalisme.Show less
In the past forty years, the situation for smokers has totally changed. The lobby by Transnational Advocacy Networks (TAN) against the tobacco industry seems to be successful and much legislation...Show moreIn the past forty years, the situation for smokers has totally changed. The lobby by Transnational Advocacy Networks (TAN) against the tobacco industry seems to be successful and much legislation against smoking in public has been implemented. The tobacco industry is however a mighty actor with access to large amounts of funding. It is unlikely that an actor of this calibre would sit by and do nothing while its core business is being threatened. This paper tries to assess how the situation regarding smoking has changed over the years and through the norm life cycle theory by Finnemore and Sikkink. This paper will then go further and tries to discover with each increase in regulation on tobacco, what counter move was launched by the tobacco industry.Show less
This Thesis is a defense for Compulsory Voting. I the light of reasonable pluralism, societies need a moral compromise. In order to faccilitate the forming of a moral compromise widespread...Show moreThis Thesis is a defense for Compulsory Voting. I the light of reasonable pluralism, societies need a moral compromise. In order to faccilitate the forming of a moral compromise widespread political participation is necessary. Compulsory voting faccilitates participation and is thus justifiable.Show less
In dit onderzoek wordt gekeken in welke mate de benaderingen die Carothers (2009) noemt ten aanzien van democratiehulp terug te vinden zijn in het beleid van de VS en de EU in Indonesië tussen 2000...Show moreIn dit onderzoek wordt gekeken in welke mate de benaderingen die Carothers (2009) noemt ten aanzien van democratiehulp terug te vinden zijn in het beleid van de VS en de EU in Indonesië tussen 2000-2008. Daarnaast wordt gekeken in welke mate de VS en de EU hun beleid hebben aangepast ten aanzien van de zwaktes van de democratie in Indonesië. Geconcludeerd wordt dat in het beleid van de VS de nadruk ligt op de politieke benadering en dat dit verschilt van de constateringen van Carothers. Bij ligt het accent de EU op de op ontwikkeling gerichte benadering, dit komt overeen met de analyse van Carothers. Beide actoren hebben hun beleid aangepast aan de context van Indonesië. De VS uitgebreider dan de EU, maar deze twee actoren complementeren. Het beleid van beide actoren biedt hulp aan alle zwaktes van de democratie in Indonesië.Show less
The purpose of this research is to analyse the forces behind how secession1 states come to be externally recognised and gain international legal sovereignty. This paper addresses the overtly one...Show moreThe purpose of this research is to analyse the forces behind how secession1 states come to be externally recognised and gain international legal sovereignty. This paper addresses the overtly one-dimensional approach of current secession theories pertaining to external recognition. I posit to fill a gap in the existing literature by creating a new theory derived from the two existing sets of secession literature; external and internal. This will be a hybrid theory that incorporates both existing theoretical lenses to give a more complete picture of the forces at work behind external recognition. I then apply this theory to the case studies of Somaliland and South Sudan. The research aims to identify and isolate factors that influence and explain the external recognition of South Sudan and the non-recognition of Somaliland. South Sudan’s external recognition is found to be explained solely by levels of external involvement while Somaliland is found to have more influential internal factors than external. This leads to the conclusion that within the hybrid theory, external factors prove the most significant in external recognition. However, only through a hybrid theory can well-rounded and comprehensive research be conducted. The paper contributes to the academic field within Political Science of secessionist movements and state creation.Show less
The purpose of this research is to analyse and test EU border policy instruments designed to ensure refugee protection. While scholars have discussed the securitization of EU border policies and...Show moreThe purpose of this research is to analyse and test EU border policy instruments designed to ensure refugee protection. While scholars have discussed the securitization of EU border policies and the negative consequences of this for the protection of refugees, a systematic examination of the instruments designed to ensure refugee protection is still missing. I posit that the EU’s border policy instruments reflect a near-sighted attitude. Analyzing the instruments aimed at ensuring refugee protection, not only provides an insight into the weaknesses and strengths of each policy instrument, it will also show legislative gaps which allow EU member states to act in accordance with their national interest rather than EU border policy. Using data from policy papers, evaluation reports, and newspapers I outline the objectives and legal foundations of the instruments. I will then apply them to the case of the Arab Spring to test whether these instruments have lived up to their foundational objectives. The results suggest that the instruments of EU border policy were too weak to protect refugees.Show less
This thesis examines the 2011 intervention in Libya, focusing on the distinct influences of the national, regional and international levels of governance on the decision-making process. Although...Show moreThis thesis examines the 2011 intervention in Libya, focusing on the distinct influences of the national, regional and international levels of governance on the decision-making process. Although the locus of power in decision-making still resides mainly within the permanent members of the Security Council, a substantial role is reserved for regional organizations in their role as gatekeepers and policy catalysts. The article questions the generally accepted notion that the intervention should be viewed as a success for the Responsibility to Protect. Although the intervention and resolutions on Libya can be seen as a triumph for the Responsibility to Protect doctrine, the actors involved still vary widely in their commitment to the doctrine, which is clearly seen in the way the Libyan no-fly zone was prepared, implemented and subsequently evaluated. Finally, the article relates the Libyan intervention to the current stalemate concerning the humanitarian crisis in Syria, in which it plays a crucial role, especially through the critical way Libya was evaluated in Russia and China.Show less
In deze bachelorscriptie wordt gekeken naar Egypte, dat sinds 2005 een onveranderde Freedom House score heeft van 5.5 (PR 6, CL 5) en daarmee de status niet-vrij kent. De hoofdvraag van dit...Show moreIn deze bachelorscriptie wordt gekeken naar Egypte, dat sinds 2005 een onveranderde Freedom House score heeft van 5.5 (PR 6, CL 5) en daarmee de status niet-vrij kent. De hoofdvraag van dit onderzoek is: heeft de Arabische Lente in Egypte geleid tot een transitie van een pseudodemocratie naar een electorale democratie wanneer gekeken wordt naar de functies van politieke partijen?Show less
Analysis of the main causes why there is not a comprehensive global response to cyber threats. Analysis focuses on state interactions in the UN and CoE.
This thesis is about one of the basic concepts of International Relations, a highly valued theory that has been used to explain multiple cases in world history: the security dilemma. The originally...Show moreThis thesis is about one of the basic concepts of International Relations, a highly valued theory that has been used to explain multiple cases in world history: the security dilemma. The originally interstate concept was intended to explain those conflicts where states were involuntarily drawn to conflict. Not only has the security dilemma been applied to interstate conflict as it was originally intended, there is also a sizable literature available on the security dilemma applied to ethnic conflict. But in order to account for ethnic conflict the security dilemma has been stretched and a while authors like Posen, Kaufman, Melander and Roe assert that the conflict in Croatia and the former Yugoslavia was a consequence of the security dilemma. This thesis will illustrate the opposite, showing that the security dilemma neglects and fails to account for essential processes that have contributed to and even caused the ethnic violence in Croatia in 1991. The revisiting of the case study of the ethnic conflict between the Serbs and Croats in Croatia will serve to lay the foundations for the broader theoretical claim that the security dilemma cannot be successfully applied to intra-state conflict.Show less
