This thesis focuses on the influence that media salience has on the state response towards foreign fighters. The agenda-setting function of the media is investigated in two case studies, the...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the influence that media salience has on the state response towards foreign fighters. The agenda-setting function of the media is investigated in two case studies, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. The findings in this thesis indicate that often media salience and the state response co-vary, but that after peaks in media salience not always a stronger state response occurs and that not all increases in the state response occur after increased media salience.Show less
Economic sanctions are a coercive diplomacy tool often used by sender states to elicit behavioral change in the target state. Prior research focused on the domestic elements of the target state,...Show moreEconomic sanctions are a coercive diplomacy tool often used by sender states to elicit behavioral change in the target state. Prior research focused on the domestic elements of the target state, thus this research tests the cooperative theory in which the focus is on the international behavior of the target state when assessing the effectiveness of economic sanctions. The research question driving this thesis is: are economic sanctions more effective in a non-cooperative authoritarian state or a cooperative authoritarian state? The two case studies are China (cooperative authoritarian state) and Iran (non-cooperative authoritarian state). Through five mechanisms, budget of the target state, opposition within the target state, type of sanction, commitment of the sender state, and dependence of the target state on the international community, the effectiveness of the sanctions is analyzed. Noticeably there is a stronger link between effective sanctions and the cooperative authoritarian state (China) in comparison with the non-cooperative authoritarian state (Iran), the international mechanisms mostly drive the effectiveness of the sanctions in the cooperative authoritarian state, and neo-realism is a very noticeable factor in utilizing economic sanctions.Show less
Most high schools provide a diverse range of internationally oriented activities in which students are able to participate. These activities give students the opportunity to get to know other...Show moreMost high schools provide a diverse range of internationally oriented activities in which students are able to participate. These activities give students the opportunity to get to know other countries and develop their international interest. Hofstad Lyceum is a school that provides more than 20 internationally oriented activities to their students. The influence of these activities on the attitude towards globalization has been remained rather unclear. Using both a questionnaire and more various qualitative analyses of the activities the influence of these activities on the attitude towards globalization has been researched. The activities of Hofstad Lyceum can be put into three categories. International exchanges have more influence on the attitude towards globalization than international projects and international trips. The results of the questionnaire suggest that these activities have both positive and negative influence on the attitude towards globalization. It shows that internationally oriented activities do not or only marginally increase the political knowledge. On the other hand students seem to have more social willingness to experience the world. All in all, internationally oriented activities have to be seen as an incentive ‘to stimulate students’ interest in international affairs.Show less
This thesis provides one of the first analysis of the roles of the two most recent secretaries general of NATO (who finished their terms) in shaping the alliance policy on two major crisis affairs;...Show moreThis thesis provides one of the first analysis of the roles of the two most recent secretaries general of NATO (who finished their terms) in shaping the alliance policy on two major crisis affairs; Jaap de Hoop Scheffer on the mission in Afghanistan (ISAF) and Anders Fogh Rasmussen on the operation in Libya (Operation Unified Protector). Much has been written on NATO’s actions and decisions towards Afghanistan, but no specific research is available on de Hoop Scheffer’s leadership during the decisive period for NATO in Afghanistan, since command of the mission was turned over indefinitely to NATO on August 11, 2003. The same can be said for Rasmussen’s leadership during ISAF and NATO’s operation in Libya. The research question is: To what extent do NATO’s secretaries general shape alliance policy on crisis situations? This research question is answered through a case study research method on both de Hoop Scheffer’s and Rasmussen’s role in shaping NATO policy on two major crises situations during their term in office: Afghanistan and Libya. Both case studies consist of an analysis in three categories: systematic, organizational and personality factors.Show less
Militaries have played significant roles in the transition from authoritarian regimes to more democratic political systems. Most of these transitions took place during the seventies and eighties in...Show moreMilitaries have played significant roles in the transition from authoritarian regimes to more democratic political systems. Most of these transitions took place during the seventies and eighties in South Europe and Latin America. They often started with cracks within the ruling party, which ultimately led to a gradual transition towards the installation of another regime and in most cases to some form of democratization. Based on those empirical examples a few key indicators predicting the behaviour of a military in transitions can be distinguished. An institutionalised military, which is not directly involved in the administration apparatus and which position has been backed by a legal framework have been found willing to shape the transition period to a more democratic system. During the transition the civilian authorities should guarantee the military certain prerogatives in order to keep it satisfied. An end of the transition period is reached when an effective and strong civilian government is installed which is able to execute civilian oversight over the military. The recent popular uprisings in North Africa and the Middle East were not gradual and caused an abrupt regime change in several Arab countries. Only in Egypt the military took a leading role in the transition. This thesis shows that also in the case of Egypt the nature of the military as an institutionalized military, not directly involved in the day to day governing, made it very resistant to any form of democratization. In the three proposed constitutions since the 25 January revolution the military has demanded and granted itself extensive prerogatives and annulled any form of civilian oversight. This will make it very difficult for any future civilian leader to execute civilian oversight over the Egyptian military.Show less
After the 1990 elections, Myanmar has received attention from the international community. The United Nations (UN) has also been sending special envoys to find a peaceful and democratic outcome....Show moreAfter the 1990 elections, Myanmar has received attention from the international community. The United Nations (UN) has also been sending special envoys to find a peaceful and democratic outcome. Since 1995 four UN envoys have visited Myanmar on numerous visits. Since 2011, a quasi-civilian government headed by president Thein Sein controls the country and several reforms have been implemented. Moreover, Aung San Suu Kyi has returned to the political arena after being under house arrest for 15 years. Moreover, the role of the UN in Myanmar has been widely discussed. To what extent did the UN envoys influence the situation? Which mediation strategies were adopted? This paper researches the UN mediation processes that have occurred between 1992 and 2013 in Myanmar.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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When people look back at the 21st century they will undoubtedly characterize China’s rise as one of the major events. As the country ascends to a great power status, its regional and international...Show moreWhen people look back at the 21st century they will undoubtedly characterize China’s rise as one of the major events. As the country ascends to a great power status, its regional and international counterparts observe how Beijing will project its power. The East Asian neighboring states have been tenser because of their ongoing maritime territorial disputes with China. Multiple diplomatic episodes from the mid-2000s until today in the East and South China Seas and demonstrations of Chinese assertiveness in pursuing its national claims have been at the heart of regional tension and instability. In this context, the present thesis poses the following research question: Which factors explain China’s assertive behavior in the East and South China Seas? My main argument is that China’s assertiveness is due primarily to three factors, which are: Beijing’s reactions to other states’ actions, Chinese popular nationalism demand for a stronger external presence and its growing necessity to acquire natural resources and safeguard national transportation corridors. In order to examine the effects of these three factors I have undertaken two case studies, namely the case of Japan and the East China Sea contention and the case of the Philippines and the South China Sea contention.Show less
Articles that investigate minority influence on foreign policy-making have mainly concentrated on minorities living in the United States. Research on national minorities outside the United States...Show moreArticles that investigate minority influence on foreign policy-making have mainly concentrated on minorities living in the United States. Research on national minorities outside the United States has been limited. This paper tries to compare two cases that are dissimilar to the United States, namely Turkey and Israel and this essay asks the question: to what extent do the Kurdish and Arabic minorities influence Turkish and Israeli foreign policy? There is a particular emphasis on foreign policy influence of Pro-Kurdish and Pro-Arabic political parties. The party websites of the Pro-Arabic, Democratic Front for Peace and Equality (Hadash) and Meretz are looked into. With regard to Turkey, the party website of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) is examined. The BDP has been established in 2008, which is considerably later compared to the pro-Arabic political parties in Israel. Unfortunately, it is impossible to investigate pro-Kurdish parties from before 2008, as these parties were banned by the Turkish Constitutional Court. It is argued in this paper that no proof can be found of pro-Arabic and pro-Kurdish political parties influencing foreign policy. Since Israel and Turkey are truly dissimilar to the United States, other cases need to be examined in order to find out whether minorities in other countries influence foreign policy. Moreover, international organizations, such as the Council of Europe and the European Union, can play a role in accommodating minorities. More research is necessary to find out whether international organizations, as the Council of Europe and the EU, play a role in protecting minority rights.Show less
