In this thesis the ways in which power is shaped in the Arctic among the ‘Arctic five’ states are analyzed. It is argued that the Arctic is a multipolar region, in which Russia is the most dominant...Show moreIn this thesis the ways in which power is shaped in the Arctic among the ‘Arctic five’ states are analyzed. It is argued that the Arctic is a multipolar region, in which Russia is the most dominant and other actors adopt strategies towards Russia such as soft balancing, bandwagoning, and appeasement. The thesis shows that traditional conceptions of power do not apply unequivocally to the Arctic region, because it is hard to control effectively due to its unique geographical composition. Power in the Arctic is based on the recognition of sovereign rights over an area, which will give states economic opportunities (control over waterways and resources) in the future due to melting ice. The ideal of permanence underlying modern sovereignty is absent in the changing Arctic, and sovereign rights for exploitation of an area do not give states actual sovereignty. Sovereignty disputes are therefore often unclear and create interesting power dynamics. They are resolved through institutional procedures based on international law and political geography, yet states have opportunities for negotiation and can adopt their own viewpoints on sovereignty based on what suits the national interest. Thus the Arctic provides a unique example of ‘structural power’ and the interaction between structure and agency. Due to the ever-changing nature of the Arctic, states’ interests are more future-oriented than elsewhere. The thesis concludes that while security and sovereignty have become more important in the Arctic in recent years, there is no ‘security dilemma’ because capacity building does not directly threaten other states, and military conflict does not lead to gains and is highly unlikely. Security issues are rather more specific and less concerned with warfare, and more with the environment and emergencies. The difficulty of operating in the Arctic environment compels states to cooperate through international institutions, but the ‘Arctic five’ do this to further their national interests. The interdependence of the Arctic with the system-level is traced, and it is found that states are limited in their options in the Arctic due to mutual commitments on a global scale and possible precedent effects of agreements in the Arctic.Show less
Why is it that states that are best endowed with power resources do not always achieve the outcomes they desire? This phenomenon is what Baldwin (1979) calls the “paradox of unrealized power”. Dahl...Show moreWhy is it that states that are best endowed with power resources do not always achieve the outcomes they desire? This phenomenon is what Baldwin (1979) calls the “paradox of unrealized power”. Dahl (1957) famously defines power as A getting B to do something that B would otherwise not have done. An example of this paradox is the outcome of the battle between the European Union and the Russian Federation over Ukraine. Since 2004 both the EU and Russia have sought closer integration with Ukraine (Wilson and Popescu 2009). In 2014 Ukraine signed an Association Agreement with the EU, while regions in east Ukraine declared independence and Crimea even acceded to Russia (AlJazeera 2014; BBC 2014a; Reuters 2014a; Centrum for Strategic and International Studies 2014). Paradoxically, although the EU in total possesses more power resources than Russia, it was the Kremlin that achieved their desired outcome of closer integration in the east of Ukraine. In the literature on power two major explanations aim to account for such phenomena: A’s faulty power conversion strategies and A’s failed contextual analysis (Baldwin 1979). Yet one crucial element that is absent in the contextual explanation is a theoretical model about what ultimately motivates B to comply. In order to assess whether the combination of the power conversion and the refined contextual explanation accounts for the paradox, the causal process behind the outcomes of the Ukrainian crisis of 2013/2014 is analyzed using process-tracing. The analysis of behavioral motivations suggests that B’s self-identification determines the boundaries within which A can realize its power, and that B’s identity is largely beyond the control of A. The results also indicate that A’s power conversion strategy needs to include tangible means of power to achieve the goal of territorial expansion.Show less
Non-governmental organizations are viewed by many states as efficient and cost-effective actors to enable the transmission of developmental aid (Edwards and Hulme 1998, 1). NGOs are valued by...Show moreNon-governmental organizations are viewed by many states as efficient and cost-effective actors to enable the transmission of developmental aid (Edwards and Hulme 1998, 1). NGOs are valued by donors for their ability to transfer increasing amounts of physical and financial aid from Western countries to the developing countries. The increasing prominence of NGOs however give rise to questions about the independence of NGOs in pursuing their goals. The aid chain through which aid is transferred to beneficiaries consists of multiple stakeholder with varying interests. NGOs thus have the obligation of upward accountability towards their donors, inward towards themselves and downward accountability towards their beneficiaries. This thesis is an analysis of the multiple mechanisms of accountability and the directions they are used for. The studied case is the AIHRC and the manner in which the organization presents its activities and achievements in annual reports in order to facilitate accountability to its stakeholders. By identifying in which direction the AIHRC facilitates accountability, it can be concluded which of the multiple stakeholders is considered to be most important by the AIHRC.Show less
In this thesis, I will argue that counter-terrorism measures are part of a differentiated and selective focus on migrants of ‘Muslim origin’. The securitization of the Islam in Europe has led to an...Show moreIn this thesis, I will argue that counter-terrorism measures are part of a differentiated and selective focus on migrants of ‘Muslim origin’. The securitization of the Islam in Europe has led to an increasing trend in illiberal practices that destabilizes the importance of humans rights in contemporary liberal regimes under the guise of the ‘War on Terror’. I will begin with a literature review about the impact of counter-terrorism measures on Muslims and the lack of attention in the Netherlands concerning this topic. I will apply a Critical Security Studies approach, based on the theory of International Political Sociology. Thus, I will investigate the impact of bureaucratic routines and practices of security actors on the Muslim population in the Netherlands. Instead of assessing the impact of counter-terrorism measures from a state-security apparatus perspective, I will assess the impact of counter-terrorism measures from a community perspective by interviewing Muslims and gathering insights from the relevant security actors. The conclusion will be that there has not yet been any critical research about the impact of counter-terrorism measures on the Muslim population in the Netherlands. Nonetheless, Muslims experience direct and indirect consequences from the accommodating configurations of context for counter-terrorism measures. Their main concern is the decline of equal treatment in society because they have stigmatized as being part of a group of people that lack ‘moral’ citizenship and are therefore responsibilized through repressive measures. This thesis hopes to spark an academic interest and a careful reconsideration by policymakers of the drawbacks of far reaching preventive security measures and the corresponding configuration of contexts for differentiated and selective counter-terrorism measures on Muslims in the NetherlandsShow less
This research concerns the identity of the Taliban as a non-state actor in the political environment of Afghanistan. Although much has been written on identity from a constructivist perspective,...Show moreThis research concerns the identity of the Taliban as a non-state actor in the political environment of Afghanistan. Although much has been written on identity from a constructivist perspective, very few authors do so from the perspective of a ‘bad actor’ and none have been found that describe the Taliban’s identity based on its own discourse. This research will do so by analyzing statements of the Taliban made on its website on what they state about the Taliban’s relational comparisons. Using this analysis, the Taliban’s identity is described using Abdelal et al.’s four elements of identity: the actor’s cognitive model, its relational comparisons, its social purposes, and its constitutive norms.Show less
Malala Yousafzai is a teenage woman who is known for her advocacy for the right to education for girls. After the attack of the Taliban on October 9th 2012 she has evolved from a ‘normal’ girl to a...Show moreMalala Yousafzai is a teenage woman who is known for her advocacy for the right to education for girls. After the attack of the Taliban on October 9th 2012 she has evolved from a ‘normal’ girl to a norm entrepreneur advocating the right to education for girls on an international level. According to Finnemore and Sikkink, norm entrepreneurs play a critical role in the first stage of norm emergence in the norm life cycle (1998, 895). Constructivism lacks a theory of agency. The role of individuals as norm entrepreneurs has been neglected in previous research in particular. Therefore, the focus of this thesis is on how individuals as norm entrepreneurs attempt to persuade states to conform to a norm. Norm entrepreneurs challenge discourse through persuasion. According to Keck and Sikkink there are four advocacy tactics norm entrepreneurs use to spread their norm(s). These are: information politics, symbolic politics, leverage politics and accountability politics (1999, 95). This thesis presents a sinlge case study of Malala as a norm entrepreneur diffusing the right to education for girls. Keck and Sikkink’s typology of advocacy tactics is used to determine which advocacy tactic Malala uses in her advocacy. Content analysis of four of her speeches of 2013 is done through a combination of qualitative and quantative research. The results of the analysis of the four speeches show that Malala mainly uses symbolic politics as the dominant advocacy tactic to diffuse the right to education for girls, which is often combined with information politics as the subdominant advocacy tactic. Moral leverage is also often used to motivate others to join her advocacy.Show less
Since the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) reported about the possible clandestine goals of Iran’s nuclear program , the P5+1 group (consisting of the US, the UK, France, Russia and China ...Show moreSince the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) reported about the possible clandestine goals of Iran’s nuclear program , the P5+1 group (consisting of the US, the UK, France, Russia and China + Germany) suspects Iran of covertly building a nuclear weapon . The aim of the thesis is to demonstrate why states abide by the nuclear non-proliferation norm in general. Specifically, the research aims to gain insights into the Iranian political decision-making on the nuclear issue in order to answer the question whether the choice in 2013 to abide by the nuclear non-proliferation norm is caused by the logic of consequences, the logic of appropriateness, or both. The research takes a constructivist approach and uses Checkel’s (1997) model of domestic norm implementation and the spiral model of Risse and Sikkink (1999) to analyze how these logics of behavior and the domestic political structure influence the Iranian elite decision-making process. It is expected that, in accordance with these models, the election of a new president in June 2013 has fostered further domestic norm implementation. Negotiation proposals of both Iran and the P5+1 group, together with IAEA and United Nations Security Council resolutions, are analyzed through process tracing. The results show that while from 2005 to 2013 the Iranian governments followed a logic of consequences and defied international sanctions, the current government’s behavior seems to be based predominantly on a logic of appropriateness and cooperates more willingly with the P5+1 and appears to abide by the nuclear non-proliferation norm.Show less
The topic of this thesis revolves around the identity of the Indisch Dutch in the Dutch East Indies during the Second World War and the Bersiap period. This topic has been researched through the...Show moreThe topic of this thesis revolves around the identity of the Indisch Dutch in the Dutch East Indies during the Second World War and the Bersiap period. This topic has been researched through the perspective of societal security, as put forward by the approach of the Copenhagen School in the Critical Security Studies, combined with Rogers Brubakers’ theorization of identity. It combines ethnic identity and ‘securitization’ in such a way that there is being investigated if an identity can be shaped, or further developed, by the occupier to ‘securitize’ this group (i.e. to identify them as an existential threat to society).Show less
Since the terrorist attacks on 9/11 in New York, the War on Terror has emerged and a change in the perspective of security and development has taken place. Underdevelopment and conflict in failed...Show moreSince the terrorist attacks on 9/11 in New York, the War on Terror has emerged and a change in the perspective of security and development has taken place. Underdevelopment and conflict in failed states is considered to be dangerous to the North. Some authors describe that underdevelopment and conflict in failed states can pose a threat to the security of the Northern states because failed states could offer a safe haven for terrorists. Because Northern states see underdevelopment and conflict as dangerous, they intervene in those states in order to fight the terrorists and make failed states more secure and stable. France is one example of a Northern state intervening a lot in failed African states. Ivory Coast and Mali are two states in which France has intervened. In Ivory Coast France intervened within a Civil War to stop the fighting whereas in Mali France intervened in order to counter terrorists. Those interventions by Northern states have certain effects on the state in which is intervened and although much has been written in the current literature about the general effects of liberal interventions, little has been said about the effects of liberal counterterrorist interventions in particular. In this research thesis I will therefore look more closely at the political and social effects of liberal counterterrorist interventions by comparing the two different interventions in Ivory Coast and in Mali.Show less
The aim of this study is to remain critical of emerging ethical norms and to review them in the light of their practical consequences. For this reason, ‘last resort’ as a just intervention...Show moreThe aim of this study is to remain critical of emerging ethical norms and to review them in the light of their practical consequences. For this reason, ‘last resort’ as a just intervention criterion was assessed in the light of its effect on human security. In order to do this, a most-similar case comparison was set out between Darfur and Libya. Darfur as a case where ‘last resort’ was abided by and which had a negative outcome in terms of human security and Libya as a case where ‘last resort’ was not abided by and which had a positive outcome in terms of human security. It was found that ‘last resort’ mainly has a negative effect on human security in terms of an untimely response to a crisis. However abiding by ‘last resort’ can in some ways make it more difficult for a response to be decisive as well.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
This work examines the discourse of the political leaders on the Crimean crisis of 2014. It explores the development of national identities of Russia and Ukraine, from historical roots to modernity...Show moreThis work examines the discourse of the political leaders on the Crimean crisis of 2014. It explores the development of national identities of Russia and Ukraine, from historical roots to modernity, in the context of political discoursive encounters. This work is focused on the struggle for legitimization, the Other, and the states as actors that emerge in the discourse.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Why do some self-determination movements manage to achieve autonomy, while others fail to extract such salient concessions during peace negotiations? Although one would expect supporters of the...Show moreWhy do some self-determination movements manage to achieve autonomy, while others fail to extract such salient concessions during peace negotiations? Although one would expect supporters of the self-determination movement to unite in their struggle against the incumbent regime, recent literature has demonstrated that they tend to fight each other just as often as they fight the government in their competition for political relevance. Yet, little has been done to explain the effects such infighting has on the peace negotiations. Based on the comparison of the cases of Southern Sudan and Darfur, this study shows that more cohesive movements are able to extract much more salient concessions that address the conflict’s master cleavage and reflect the characteristics of a club good. The findings further suggest that fragmented movements tend to be paid off rather than yielded to by the incumbent government, thus rendering the achievement of peace utterly unattainable. Future research will have to examine whether these findings hold an explanatory power in contexts outside of Sudan.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
This thesis examines how governments legitimate and justify climate change policies. It focuses on the dissonant nature of the Australian climate change policy regime since 1987, and in particular...Show moreThis thesis examines how governments legitimate and justify climate change policies. It focuses on the dissonant nature of the Australian climate change policy regime since 1987, and in particular it looks at how successive administrations have legitimated policies which range from ignorance, to acceptance, to outright denial of climate change. In order to achieve this goal, government discourse from 1987–2014 is parsed and analysed according to a predetermined schema. The dominant, marginalised, and challenging discursive fields are studied, and specific attention is paid to how these narratives change in light of certain stimuli (such as economic recessions or natural disasters). It is revealed that traditional, neo-liberal economic narratives have been hegemonic, and thus used overwhelmingly both to legitimate and resist climate change policy regimes. Scientific and ethical considerations have played smaller but still significant roles in justifying and criticising policy regimes. Notably, the actual and predicted effects of climate change are largely absent from the government discourse. As a result, this thesis adds to the existing literature by providing a complete and coherent study of how the justification of Australian climate change policy has varied over the past three decades, shedding light on the dissonant nature of the Australian climate change policy regimes, and raising concerns about the focus of the climate change discussions espoused by the government.Show less
There are a number of entities such as Abkhazia, Taiwan, Somaliland, East Timor, to name a few, that are all secessionist de facto independent states. However, they are treated differently by the...Show moreThere are a number of entities such as Abkhazia, Taiwan, Somaliland, East Timor, to name a few, that are all secessionist de facto independent states. However, they are treated differently by the international community, and external recognition was only granted for East Timor. As long as the pattern behind the selective recognition of new states is unclear and while ongoing secessionist conflicts persist around the world, this thesis aims to answer the following question: what are the main factors behind the external recognition of newly created states? In other words, why are some secessionist states externally recognized while others are not? It is argued here that there is not one specific factor that leads to external recognition; rather, there is a set of factors that together explain selective recognition of secessionist states. In order to answer the research question and to define this set of factors qualitative comparative analysis is used in this work.Show less
Non-material factors, such as a person’s ideas and values concerning Europe, are very influential with respect to the way persons perceive Europe (Vollaard, n.d., p. 2). These associations with...Show moreNon-material factors, such as a person’s ideas and values concerning Europe, are very influential with respect to the way persons perceive Europe (Vollaard, n.d., p. 2). These associations with Europe are formed by a person’s upbringing, but also through education. Several studies have researched the relationship between a person’s level of education and his or her support for Europe. These researchers show that generally the higher educated Dutch people are the more positive they are about Europe (Dekker et al., 2007, p. 19; Dekker and Ridder, 2012, p. 56; Hakhverdian et al., 2013, p. 531; Op de Woerd, 2014, section para. 13, own translation; Dekker and Den Ridder, 2014, p. 25)? Could the reason for this be that the way Europe is represented at lower education levels is different from the representation of Europe at higher education levels? The main research aim of this thesis is to find out if lower educated obtain different information than higher education concerning Europe in social studies’ textbooks used at VMBO-bk, VMBO-kgt, HAVO and VWO in Dutch secondary education. It is also possible that the amount of information students receive about Europe differs from one education level to the next. As such, a possible explanation of the relationship between a person’s level of education and his or her support for Europe may be the way Europe is framed in different social studies textbooks. This thesis uses content analysis to explore and describe how Europe is represented in social studies textbooks in the Netherlands. Firstly, this work analyses how much information about Europe can be found in Dutch social studies textbooks by counting the number of pages. The results show that the lowest amount of information about Europe is found at VMBO-bk where, on average, 9.33 pages per book refer to Europe. The highest amount is found in VWO social studies text books with an average of 56.76 pages per book referring to Europe. Secondly, this thesis examines the positive and negative associations with Europe occurring in these textbooks. The outcomes are that at VMBO-bk and VMBO-kgt no specific positive associations prevails, whereas at HAVO and VWO, the focus lies on European economic and trade benefits. At VMBO-bk and VMBO-kgt no negative notion prevails, whereas at HAVO and VWO, the negative association ‘loss of sovereignty’ took prevalence over the other negative associations. Thirdly, the thesis analyses how the Netherlands is portrayed in the 12 textbooks, because the views of the nation itself and its relation to Europe also influences the way Europe is perceived (Harmsen, 2008, p. 318). The research finds that many different associations with the Netherlands exist in these books: from an international trade perspective, to a heaven for freedom, to a welfare state. Moreover, the fit between the associations with Europe and with the Netherlands have been explored. It was discovered that at both education levels a clear fit could not be found.Show less
