In dit onderzoek wordt onderzocht of de integratie op het gebied van arbeidsmobiliteit in de Europese Unie verloopt via endogene Optimum Currency Areas mechanismen. Voor dit onderzoek is een aantal...Show moreIn dit onderzoek wordt onderzocht of de integratie op het gebied van arbeidsmobiliteit in de Europese Unie verloopt via endogene Optimum Currency Areas mechanismen. Voor dit onderzoek is een aantal preparatory acts geanalyseerd om een beeld te krijgen van de motieven die leidend zijn bij voorstellen op het gebied van arbeidsmobiliteit. Preparatory acts zijn voorbereidende documenten, geschreven door de Europese Commissie, die toewerken naar een richtlijn of een andere vorm van Europese wetgeving. Om een duidelijk beeld te krijgen van de gevoerde discussie tussen de belanghebbende actoren zijn de verslagen van de Europese nieuwsbron Euractiv ook meegenomen in de analyse. Uit de resultaten zal blijken dat de endogene Optimum Currency Areas mechanismen niet in staat zijn de motieven voor arbeidsmobiliteit integratie te verklaren. De motieven die wel worden aangedragen door de wetgevende actoren voor de integratie van arbeidsmobiliteit zijn het optimaliseren van de gemeenschappelijke interne markt en het zorgen voor meer werkgelegenheid in de Europese Unie.Show less
International Relations theories have generally accepted the idea that the global system is structured by the principle of anarchy. In some regional systems however, the anarchical character of the...Show moreInternational Relations theories have generally accepted the idea that the global system is structured by the principle of anarchy. In some regional systems however, the anarchical character of the international politics has disappeared because of external hegemonic actors who have transformed the regional system into a hierarchical regional structure. In this structure, the distribution of power is affected to the extent that the regional dynamics are no longer determined by a state of anarchy but by a state of hierarchy, in which the hegemonic state renders regional competition by the subordinate states meaningless. Cooperation on conflict management in these regional systems is therefore bound to have different outcomes than in systems characterized by anarchy, as is shown in the case study of Central Asia, since uncertainty does not prevail and a central government (in the form of the hegemonic actor) is able to impose order on the regional members. Re-conceptualizing the systemic structure in which regional conflict management functions will enhance understanding of the changing world order, and improve predictions of state behavior in hierarchical regional structures.Show less
This paper intends to explain the discrepancy in Western response to cases of conflict which appear to be comparable, and it aims to do so through a realist study of the West’s self-interest...Show moreThis paper intends to explain the discrepancy in Western response to cases of conflict which appear to be comparable, and it aims to do so through a realist study of the West’s self-interest involved. By differentiating these comparable cases between ‘Western’ and ‘non-Western’, this paper intends to put forward the theory that the West is biased towards non-Western conflict management activities in general. Thereby contradicting the commonplace Western-based literature, this paper aims to voice an alternative interpretation of the reasoning behind Western responses to non-Western efforts of managing conflict. Through studying four cases of interstate conflict management activities which did not enjoy implicit Security Council approval, and two further comparable and illustrative cases of domestic conflict, this paper aims to present empirical evidence for the theory as proposed. This analysis will adhere to a qualitative research design, and it will combine elements of a content- and discourse-analysis, thereby relying on scholarly written work as well as on political and media discourse related to the selected cases. As this analysis will subsequently conclude, the selected cases indeed illustrate an inconsistency in Western response to either Western or non-Western conflict management activities, thereby ruling in favour of the here argued theory that the West is biased towards non-Western efforts of managing conflict. Due to the argued Western ‘moral high ground’ in international affairs, this bias is consequently portrayed as a standard by Western governmental leaders and by Western media, thereby leading to a one-sided discussion in which non-Western countries have an inherent disadvantage; something this paper intends to contradict.Show less
The Post-Cold War period has seen an increase both in civil conflict and third-party intervention. Previous research has understudied regime change that occurs in civil conflicts that are...Show moreThe Post-Cold War period has seen an increase both in civil conflict and third-party intervention. Previous research has understudied regime change that occurs in civil conflicts that are accompanied by humanitarian intervention. By means of a mixed-method analysis, this research project shows that while humanitarian intervention and regime change often occur sequentially on the macro level, there are no indications that the relationship is causal on the micro level once the process of regime change is ongoing. Regime change, it is argued, is elicited by a rapid breakdown of coercive capacities of the state that precedes the involvement of a third-party.Show less
Scharpf's theorie stelt dat wanneer output legitimiteit de primaire bron van legitimiteit is van een organisatie en de behaalde resultaten tegenvallen er een afname zal zijn in het vertrouwen in de...Show moreScharpf's theorie stelt dat wanneer output legitimiteit de primaire bron van legitimiteit is van een organisatie en de behaalde resultaten tegenvallen er een afname zal zijn in het vertrouwen in de organisatie. De ECB wordt in de publieke opinie niet afgerekend op het wel/niet halen van de prijsstabiliteit doelstelling. Desalniettemin is er een verband tussen het verergeren van de economische situatie in een land en de mate van steun voor de EMU.Show less
Wars have substantial consequences for the consolidation of democracy, and have caused demographic, socio-economic and social problems in the countries of the Former Yugoslavia. However, what is...Show moreWars have substantial consequences for the consolidation of democracy, and have caused demographic, socio-economic and social problems in the countries of the Former Yugoslavia. However, what is striking is that not only has their Europeanization process differed from other Central and Eastern European countries, but also that among them a differentiated form of integration has taken place. On the one hand there are countries like Slovenia, a full EU member state, and Croatia, an acceding country set to join in July 2013, and on the other hand, countries like Serbia, a candidate country, and Bosnia i Herzegovina, a potential candidate, which have a long way to go on the path to membership. What are the reasons for these differences? How can we explain such variation in degrees of EU membership given that these countries were part of the same state a mere twenty-two years ago? What factors explain the quick democratic consolidation and compliance with EU conditionality of some FY states, on one hand, and the fragmented, problematic and generally slow Europeanization process of other FY states on the other? In order to answer these questions, this thesis examines the role of two key factors in determining different degrees of EU membership – the role of ethnicity, and the legacy of civil war in the internal political environment.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
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National parliaments are often labeled the ‘losers’ of European integration. However, most studies in the field of Europeanization focus only on parliamentary influence in the ex-ante decision...Show moreNational parliaments are often labeled the ‘losers’ of European integration. However, most studies in the field of Europeanization focus only on parliamentary influence in the ex-ante decision-making phase in Brussels. In principle national parliaments have, however also the potential to influence the final outcome of EU policy making in the ex-post phase when EU law is transposed into national law. This role of parliaments has received only limited scholarly attention. Nevertheless, how national parliaments use this opportunity has important practical implications in terms of the EU democratic deficit thesis and the effectiveness of EU law. This thesis tackles the question, to what extent and under what conditions do national parliaments and their committees use their legislative review power to influence the transposition of EU law? A cross-country and cross-directive study in the area of EU migration law is conducted to explore the explanatory power of a prominent coalition model of legislative review. Contrary to the model which assumes that different types of government and levels of coalition conflict determines the scope of parliamentary scrutiny, this analysis finds that other factors are more important determinants for parliamentary influence on the timeliness and correctness of transposition measures. Such factors relate to the overall salience of a directive, high issue linkage with politicized national policy projects and case specific factors. The case studies provide particularly challenging evidence concerning the minister autonomy model on which the coalition model is based. This has important implications for the study on conflict anticipation, as ministers seem to be relatively well prepared to foresee their coalition partner’s preferences and adapt their legal drafts to prevent public coalition conflict in parliament. Secondly in terms of institutional design the analysis shows that even parliaments under unfavorable institutional preconditions and singly party governments are not necessarily weaker in their EU scrutiny activities than those that are assumed to be institutionally strong in the national policy making process.Show less
