Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
The violent repression of non- violent protests is not an uncommon situation across the world. Current scholarship on this issue leads us to believe that countries with similar political history,...Show moreThe violent repression of non- violent protests is not an uncommon situation across the world. Current scholarship on this issue leads us to believe that countries with similar political history, structures and challenges would react in a similar way to non- violent protests. However that is not the case with Chile, Brazil and Uruguay. Why- despite of sharing many political, historical and social similarities- their experience with authoritarian rule in the past and democracy nowadays present different responses to non- violent social protests? Drawing on repression scales and data collections this thesis will answer this puzzle around the repression of non-violent social protests in South American Democracies by arguing that some past aspects of their history - such as their transition back to democracy- as well as some present variables – elites and military continuity and degree of threat play a role in that.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
This work examines the discourse of the political leaders on the Crimean crisis of 2014. It explores the development of national identities of Russia and Ukraine, from historical roots to modernity...Show moreThis work examines the discourse of the political leaders on the Crimean crisis of 2014. It explores the development of national identities of Russia and Ukraine, from historical roots to modernity, in the context of political discoursive encounters. This work is focused on the struggle for legitimization, the Other, and the states as actors that emerge in the discourse.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Wartime rape has been part of the armed conflicts from time immemorial. In today’s conflicts, armed groups use rape against the civilian population as a weapon, a tactic, strategy, and a means to...Show moreWartime rape has been part of the armed conflicts from time immemorial. In today’s conflicts, armed groups use rape against the civilian population as a weapon, a tactic, strategy, and a means to exterminating the enemy. Wartime rape is a difficult phenomenon to explain, generalize and ultimately stop given the variance of factors and actors involved. When civil war became the primary form of warfare around the world in the 1990s, wartime rape became one the essential components of prosecuting warfare. The aim of this thesis is to explain the high prevalence of wartime rape in the Great Lakes region of Africa. Drawing on contemporary theories used to explain the rationale behind wartime rape (gender inequality, ethnic hatred, genocidal rape and strategic rape), this thesis argues that the subordinate position of women, ethnic cleavage, the occurrence of genocide and forcible recruitment implying hierarchy increase the level of wartime rape. Using a mixed method, the first stage compromises a statistical analysis exposing the general trends, which are surprisingly contrary to expectation. The subsequent case studies – Rwanda and the DRC – argue that the high level of wartime rape in the Great Lakes region is the result of a spill over effect and all its related implications and complications.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
In 2010, the European External Action Service (EEAS) was launched. This service should serve as a 'ministry of foreign affairs' of the European Union. Goal of the EEAS: Creating a more coherent...Show moreIn 2010, the European External Action Service (EEAS) was launched. This service should serve as a 'ministry of foreign affairs' of the European Union. Goal of the EEAS: Creating a more coherent European foreign policy by providing a bridge between the member states and the European institutions, and between the European institutions themselves (Council and Commission). This thesis investigates whether the EEAS, in the short timespan that it is active now, has been able to achieve this goal. Three levels of coherence are identified: Horizontal coherence (coherence between the external policies of the different European institutions and organs), vertical coherence (coherence between the foreign policies of the different member states) and, finally, external coherence (the EU's ability to speak with a single voice to the rest of the world). Making use of a Principal-Agent theoretical framework, and relying on more than ten interviews with officials in Brussels, this contribution draws the conclusion that the EEAS has enhanced European foreign policy coherence, albeit moderately. As a result of the creation of a single High Representative/Vice-President of the Commission (HRVP), external coherence was fostered most convincingly. On the other hand, horizontal coherence - if not deteriorated - did not grow as a result of the EEAS. Hence, there is still much work to be done in the realm of inter-institutional relations in the EU.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
When people look back at the 21st century they will undoubtedly characterize China’s rise as one of the major events. As the country ascends to a great power status, its regional and international...Show moreWhen people look back at the 21st century they will undoubtedly characterize China’s rise as one of the major events. As the country ascends to a great power status, its regional and international counterparts observe how Beijing will project its power. The East Asian neighboring states have been tenser because of their ongoing maritime territorial disputes with China. Multiple diplomatic episodes from the mid-2000s until today in the East and South China Seas and demonstrations of Chinese assertiveness in pursuing its national claims have been at the heart of regional tension and instability. In this context, the present thesis poses the following research question: Which factors explain China’s assertive behavior in the East and South China Seas? My main argument is that China’s assertiveness is due primarily to three factors, which are: Beijing’s reactions to other states’ actions, Chinese popular nationalism demand for a stronger external presence and its growing necessity to acquire natural resources and safeguard national transportation corridors. In order to examine the effects of these three factors I have undertaken two case studies, namely the case of Japan and the East China Sea contention and the case of the Philippines and the South China Sea contention.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
The participation of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and private individuals have become more important in human rights issues in international politics in the past decades. Oftentimes NGOs in...Show moreThe participation of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and private individuals have become more important in human rights issues in international politics in the past decades. Oftentimes NGOs in different countries with similar issue concerns form ‘transnational advocacy networks’ with the believe that such cooperation is beneficial to achieve goals in their agenda. This thesis is based on Keck and Sikkink’s theory of transnational advocacy network, and engages in the analysis on how the East Asian transnational advocacy network on the comfort women issue emerged forty years after the War was over, and what brought the NGOs in different Asian countries together other than just the nationalities of the former comfort women, and formed the ‘boomerang pattern’. Next, it analyses on the strategies adopted by the East Asian transnational advocacy network on the comfort women issue, and their strategies are categorised by what Keck and Sikkink listed as information, symbolic, leverage, and accountability politics. It then turns to the international responses, most importantly, the responses from the Japanese government on the comfort women issue, also responses from other states. Last, it assesses the achievement and challenges faced by the comfort women movement based on the five criteria proposed by Keck and Sikkink in evaluating the result of transnational advocacy movements.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
This thesis assesses the notion that liberal democracies make inherently poor counterinsurgents by conducting a most similar case comparison of the Algerian War (1954- 1962) and the Second Chechen...Show moreThis thesis assesses the notion that liberal democracies make inherently poor counterinsurgents by conducting a most similar case comparison of the Algerian War (1954- 1962) and the Second Chechen War (1999-2009). By comparing two cases where prominent variables were common, other than regime type and case outcome, this paper was able to determine that regime type does matter in small wars. Although both counterinsurgents were able to achieve military success through brutality, regime type was ultimately consequential to the outcomes of the small wars. Whereas the more authoritarian state (Russia) was relatively unimpeded in its war effort, the democratic state (France) ultimately lost the war due to the freedom of the media and its democratic institutions. In France, the media exposed the barbarisms of the army, generating condemnation at both domestic and international levels. This opposition to the war effort would prove insurmountable to the democratic state. Through coercion, France sought to suppress domestic criticism, but in doing so, eroded the democratic virtue of the state. Ultimately faced with the option of either preserving democracy or maintaining the brutal, but effective, counterinsurgency, France capitulated, ending its colonial rule in Algeria. Russia, on the other hand, was never held accountable due to an aggressive information operations campaign that precluded the war effort from becoming a prominent public issue. As the suppression of public criticism is unavailable to democratic states, democracies are found to be inherently less proficient at counterinsurgency.Show less