In spite of the skeptical forecasts in the early 1990s when Brazil’s transition to democracy process was starting, this presidential regime is now considered stable. Therefore, the analyses in...Show moreIn spite of the skeptical forecasts in the early 1990s when Brazil’s transition to democracy process was starting, this presidential regime is now considered stable. Therefore, the analyses in political sciences today seek rather to explain how this process has evolved than to recommend profound changes in the system’s direction. This work is based on one of such theories, called the “Executive toolbox”. Its proponents contend that the president has tools that enable him or her to bring stability to the system through a balanced use of a set of tools in the Executive-Legislative relations. One of such tools is the budgetary prerogatives of the president - which, in the Brazilian case, include the liquidation of individual amendments of MPs. This thesis will study pork barrel politics in Brazil in comparative perspective and in relation to other tools in the president’s kit, especially with coalition goods. An existing debate in Brazilian literature about pork is taken as starting point and qualitative research methods are used including media analysis and personal interviews with Brazilian MPsShow less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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The interaction of security and defence policy in United Kingdom has a distinct relationship. The relationship in this study was checked in the post-war stages of Iraq. The research found...Show moreThe interaction of security and defence policy in United Kingdom has a distinct relationship. The relationship in this study was checked in the post-war stages of Iraq. The research found interesting results on the interaction of policy and press. The nature of British press determines to a level the type of interaction between the two components. A combination of Hallin and Robinson’s theoretical framework was used to describe the interaction between news reporting and British defence and security policy in 2008. The empirical analysis found that the interaction in the entire period of analysis was in the level of policy dissent between the sub-systems and more specifically the political elite. The research also sought to find circumstances under which press attention to an issue such as defence and security policy would be amplified.Show less
In deze bachelorscriptie wordt gekeken naar Egypte, dat sinds 2005 een onveranderde Freedom House score heeft van 5.5 (PR 6, CL 5) en daarmee de status niet-vrij kent. De hoofdvraag van dit...Show moreIn deze bachelorscriptie wordt gekeken naar Egypte, dat sinds 2005 een onveranderde Freedom House score heeft van 5.5 (PR 6, CL 5) en daarmee de status niet-vrij kent. De hoofdvraag van dit onderzoek is: heeft de Arabische Lente in Egypte geleid tot een transitie van een pseudodemocratie naar een electorale democratie wanneer gekeken wordt naar de functies van politieke partijen?Show less
The purpose of this study was to shed light on the relationship between regimes with a strong personalist dimension and a negative post-tenure fate. This was a relevant exercise, because the...Show moreThe purpose of this study was to shed light on the relationship between regimes with a strong personalist dimension and a negative post-tenure fate. This was a relevant exercise, because the personalist dimension was missing in existing frameworks addressing post-tenure fates of authoritarian leaders and elites. Based on available literature, this personalist dimension was hypothesized to be a strong indicator for a negative post-tenure fate. In this thesis this hypothesis is substantiated and found to be statistically significant through merging of the Archigos data-set on regime leaders and Geddes’ (1999) typology of authoritarian regimes. The relationship is then further explored through analysis of two similar cases, Libya and Tunisia. Based on this analysis it was possible to draw several plausible hypotheses regarding the relationship, which provide an interesting starting point for future research. All in all, it is clearly shown that the conditions that come with a strong personalist dimension can be expected to have a strong negative influence on the post-tenure fate of the regime leadership.Show less
Analysis of the breakdown of Thai democracy in September 2006. Based on general theroretical axiomas on democratic consolidation and democratic breakdown a qualitative and a quantitative analysis...Show moreAnalysis of the breakdown of Thai democracy in September 2006. Based on general theroretical axiomas on democratic consolidation and democratic breakdown a qualitative and a quantitative analysis are used to provide possible causes for the breakdown of democracy in Thailand. Economical circumstances, the interpretation of democracy or socialization cannot be identified as causes for the breakdown. Especially interesting is that income and appreciation of democracy are correlated negatively in Thailand in 2002 and 2006. From 2002 to 2006 interpersonal trust is decreased while distrust has increased.Show less
This thesis discusses the impact of opposition movements in effecting regime transition in Syria and Egypt during the Arab Spring, analyzing their organizational structure, objectives, strategies,...Show moreThis thesis discusses the impact of opposition movements in effecting regime transition in Syria and Egypt during the Arab Spring, analyzing their organizational structure, objectives, strategies, legitimacy, and de facto power. It starts out from the premise that it is crucial that the opposition influences 'soft-liners' within the regime to undermine its internal cohesion and stability. It is argued that the opposition in both countries has been durable due to intrinsic motivations of the participants and widespread social dissatisfaction, and their diffuse yet coherent grassroots forms of organization have rendered them hard to repress by the regime. In both countries, however, the opposition was unable to overthrow the regime by itself since it did not have sufficient military power resources to pose a real threat to the regime's survival. In Syria, the opposition could not generate enough division among the elite, while in Egypt, division already existed among the elite and this was augmented by the opposition, with the acquiescence of the military proving crucial in the regime transition. The extent of influence of the opposition was heavily constrained by the political opportunity structures in which they operated, with repression by the regime playing a large role and curtailing agency.Show less
