What role does civil society play in the outbreak of violence within fragile hybrid regime countries? This study shows the connection between an active civil society and the escalation of tensions...Show moreWhat role does civil society play in the outbreak of violence within fragile hybrid regime countries? This study shows the connection between an active civil society and the escalation of tensions between groups within society.Show less
This article investigates rebel opportunity structures in non-ethnic civil wars. It argues rebel leaders act rationally and decide on war and peace on the basis of security and economic...Show moreThis article investigates rebel opportunity structures in non-ethnic civil wars. It argues rebel leaders act rationally and decide on war and peace on the basis of security and economic considerations. Rebel leaders only demobilize if the net benefits of peace are greater than the net benefits of war. Third-party interventions, such as United Nations peacekeeping operations, are only able to end civil war when it offers credible security guarantees to the rebel group and sufficiently alters the incentives rebel leaders face through the disruption of the rebel war economy. Only if an outside intervention manages to curb profits emanating from autonomous rebel financing, such as illicit resource extraction and trade or outside state support, will war no longer pay and will rebels comply with provisions offered in a negotiated peace settlement. The theory is supported by case studies of United Nations peacekeeping efforts during the Sierra Leone civil war (1991-2002) and the Second Congo War (1998-2003) in the Democratic Republic of Congo.Show less
After violence has been stopped in conflicts the international community has attempted to build durable peace in the conflict regions. Previous research focused on the success of and the criticism...Show moreAfter violence has been stopped in conflicts the international community has attempted to build durable peace in the conflict regions. Previous research focused on the success of and the criticism on UN-led peacebuilding while not considering unilateral peacebuilding in detail. This thesis hypothesizes that peacebuilding by the US before the rise of the UN is more successful than unilateral peacebuilding thereafter. Furthermore, a US peacebuilding mission before the rise of the UN will be more expansive with regard to the instruments used than a mission after the rise of the UN. 15 cases that took place before and after the rise of the UN confirm that US peacebuilding efforts were indeed more successful before the rise of the UN. These cases reveal that peacebuilding not necessarily became less expansive after the rise of the UN but that the nature of peacebuilding shifted towards democratization and financial aid, for instance.Show less
The research question in this thesis is: how do the measures of the Peacebuilding Commission in Guinea stimulate the implementation of civic nationalism in order to achieve positive peace? Firstly...Show moreThe research question in this thesis is: how do the measures of the Peacebuilding Commission in Guinea stimulate the implementation of civic nationalism in order to achieve positive peace? Firstly a literature review shows that the combination of nationalism studies and peace studies is not often made, which results in a lacuna. Secondly the theory-section sets out a theory about how nationalism can contribute to peacebuilding. Thirdly the data and methodology-section explains which materials and methods are being used. Fourthly, the context provides the necessary information to understand the analysis. Fifthly, the analysis follows, divided in three parts: national education, national symbolism and national reconciliation. Each part shows the plans of the peacebuilding missions, reviews it first steps and analyses its effects. Sixthly, the conclusion follows that this thesis is a small step in investigating the relationship between nationalism and peacebuilding.Show less
Bellamy and Williams claim that there is evidence that suggest a positive outcome in peace operations when the relevant regional organizations and the United Nations work together (2012, 848). They...Show moreBellamy and Williams claim that there is evidence that suggest a positive outcome in peace operations when the relevant regional organizations and the United Nations work together (2012, 848). They had only evidence that suggested this link and they did not fully investigate that claim . This thesis has looked at that claim in more detail. The research question that this thesis therefore investigated was: “How does the involvement of regional organizations affect the success of peace operations?”. There are a few answers that were expected. First that regional organizations can respond quicker to crisis situations. Research has shown that speed is vital for the success of peace operations (Hardt 2009). Regional organizations can respond quicker to crisis situations, because consensus is much easier reached between the member states and regional organizations have materials and personnel already in place (Hardt 2009, 388). Another expected answer was that the United Nations and regional organizations bring different skills to a peace operation (Yamashita 2012, 173). The United Nations have the financial funds and are good at the logistical side of the peace operation. Regional organizations can share the same history and culture of the country where the peace operation is taking place and are therefore more in touch with the local population (Yamashita 2012, 173). Also their territorial proximity to the conflict can be an asset (Söberbaum and Tavares 2009, 75). Regional organizations have a shared security dilemma and because of that they want to resolve the conflict successfully to reduce the chances of spill over (Söberbaum and Tavares 2009, 75) . To answer the research question the cases of Somalia and Liberia have to be compared to see what difference the involvement of a regional organization makes. When looking at the case of Somalia the mandate that the United Nations made was too ambitious (Crocker 1995; Crigler 1993). The United Nations lacked the manpower and the support of other organizations to make this peace operation a success (Crocker 1995, 68). Also they were too preoccupied with capturing the opposition leader Adid that they failed to protect the civilians and create a safe environment for humanitarian efforts to take place (Crigler 1993, 68). With the peace operation in Liberia the key for success lays in the fact that the United Nations and ECOWAS had their own role in the UN peace operation (Ramcharan 1996, 10: Aning and Aubyn 2014, 30). They divided the work and therefore each organization could clearly focus on their role. The United Nations could now focus on observing if all parties were upholding the peace agreement (Ramcharan 1996, 10; Aning and Aubyn 2014, 30). This in contrast to the Somalia peace operation were the United Nations had too much on their plate (Crocker 1995). ECOMOG was now responsible for the security of Liberia and the United Nations was responsible for the observations (Ramcharan 1996, 10). In Liberia the regional organization ECOWAS was also a contributing factor in creating a successful peace agreement. In the peace agreement the social, historical and cultural roots of the conflict were taken into account. ECOWAS made sure these aspects were in the peace agreement. This played an important role in the success of the peace agreement and eventually the mission (Ramcharan 1996, 30). The findings that this thesis has found can be summarized into a few points. Regional organizations in UN peace operations add to the success of the mission because of a deeper understanding of the cultural, historical and social background of the country and therefore help to create a peace agreement that will have more chances to succeed (Ramcharan 1996, 10). Furthermore regional organizations can help the United Nations in a peace operation by taking on some of the responsibilities of the United Nations. When the regional organization and the United Nations divided the work and responsibilities, the chances of success as seen in Liberia, are much higher (Ramcharan 1996, 10: Aning and Aubyn 2014, 30). When looking at the expected answers, the findings are in line of what was expected. As stated in the theory section of this thesis, the regional organizations and the United Nations bring different skills to a peace operation (Yamashita 2012, 173). In Liberia it is proven that dividing the work between the United Nations and the regional organization, therefore allowing the organizations to do what they are good in, the chances of a successful peace operation are higher (Ramcharan 1996, 10). Another expected answer was that due to shared historical and cultural experiences regional organizations are more in touch with the population (Yamashita 2012, 173). In this case the cultural and historical experiences are helpful for creating a peace agreement that has these aspects worked into it. With a peace agreement, like the one in Liberia, where the cultural and historical roots of the conflict are added. The chance is greater that all parties will uphold this peace agreement (Ramcharan 1996, 30). The findings are also in line of what other authors have said. Thakur argued that the United Nations was spread too thin when it comes to peace operations. The reason for that is the fact the United Nations is taken on multiple peace operations at a time (2006). Also when regional organizations conducted peace operations on its own, the United Nations had to take over because of a lack of funds (Durward 2006, 356). What is seen in Liberia is that the regional organization ECOWAS helped the United Nations in terms of military personnel and the United Nations provided the funds for ECOWAS (Ramcharan 1996, 10).Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
This work examines the discourse of the political leaders on the Crimean crisis of 2014. It explores the development of national identities of Russia and Ukraine, from historical roots to modernity...Show moreThis work examines the discourse of the political leaders on the Crimean crisis of 2014. It explores the development of national identities of Russia and Ukraine, from historical roots to modernity, in the context of political discoursive encounters. This work is focused on the struggle for legitimization, the Other, and the states as actors that emerge in the discourse.Show less
De meeste landen in de regio van Latijns-Amerika zijn omstreeks 1980 democratieën geworden (d’Agostino, 2005: 94-99). Theoretici als Diamond beweren dat democratie een goed iets is, doordat de...Show moreDe meeste landen in de regio van Latijns-Amerika zijn omstreeks 1980 democratieën geworden (d’Agostino, 2005: 94-99). Theoretici als Diamond beweren dat democratie een goed iets is, doordat de regering moet luisteren naar het volk om aan de macht te kunnen blijven. Zo worden de wensen van het grootste deel van de bevolking beter gerespecteerd (Diamond, 1999: 3-7). Desalniettemin kost het veel moeite om tot een goed werkende democratie te komen. Ondanks dat er vrije verkiezingen worden gehouden, blijkt er tot aan de eeuwwisseling toch veel te schorten aan de democratieën in Latijns-Amerika (Diamond, 1999: 31-34). Uit cijfers van Freedomhouse blijkt in Centraal-Amerika veelal geen verbetering of zelfs een lichte verslechtering te zijn opgetreden in het functioneren van de democratie . Diamond beweert dat vooruitgang niet goed kan worden bewerkstelligd, doordat de uitvoerende macht te sterk is in deze landen. Deze leiders zouden democratisering tegenhouden voor eigen gewin (Diamond, 1999: 32-35). Wel zijn er organisaties actief in Centraal-Amerika deze jonge democratieën te helpen bij het democratiseringsproces. Deze organisaties leveren hulp in landen die een freedomhouse score lager dan 2.5 hebben . Een ‘freedom’ waardering van 1 is het meest democratisch en een waardering van 7 is het meest dictatoriaal. Alle landen die niet hoger dan 2.5 scoren en dus niet het embleem ‘Free’ krijgen, ontvangen hulp bij de democratisering. Ondanks de geleverde hulp in de landen met lagere ‘Freedom’ waardering, blijkt in vele landen geen vooruitgang te zijn geboekt en in sommige gevallen is zelfs sprake van een achteruitgang in deze waardering . Een van de landen waar de score relatief gelijk is gebleven is Guatemala. In dit paper zal ik Guatemala onderzoeken, omdat dit het grootste land in Centraal-Amerika is en omdat Guatemala samen met Honduras en Nicaragua de laagste ‘Freedom’ waardering van de regio heeft gekregen . Er is dus nog veel ruimte voor verbetering op het gebied van democratisering in dit land. Toch lijkt het land door economische voorspoed een grotere kans te hebben een democratie te blijven.Show less
Botswana wordt gezien als de ‘miracle’ van Afrika. Het land wordt geprezen om haar stabiele democratie en economische welvaart. Binnen het Afrikaanse perspectief wordt Botswana gezien als een...Show moreBotswana wordt gezien als de ‘miracle’ van Afrika. Het land wordt geprezen om haar stabiele democratie en economische welvaart. Binnen het Afrikaanse perspectief wordt Botswana gezien als een koploper en als een grote uitzondering op het gebied van democratisch succes (du Toit, 1995: 71). Het land is andere buurlanden ver vooruit. Volgens de auteur Diamond is er een nieuwe golf van democratisering in Afrika mogelijk wanneer andere landen het voorbeeld van Botswana volgen (1999: 270). Deze auteur stelt dat het land uitblinkt op het gebied van competente politieke leiding (1999: 270). Botswana is een uitzonderlijke casus te noemen, omdat er in andere Afrikaanse landen veelal geen sprake is van democratie en politieke vrijheden. Dit is ook het geval in de buurlanden van Botswana. In vrijwel de hele regio is er een gebrek aan naleving van wetten en schending van bepaalde vrijheden en rechten van de bevolking. Daarnaast is er over het algemeen sprake van corruptie, armoede en inkomensongelijkheid in de Sub-Sahara (Freedom House, 2007). In deze landen lijkt de kans op democratie niet erg waarschijnlijk. Botswana lijkt echter een uitzondering op de regel te zijn. De vraag die rijst is hoe democratisch het land nou echt te noemen is. Om dit te onderzoeken wordt Botswana getoetst aan de hand van bestaande theorieën over democratie. In de scriptie richt ik me op het beantwoorden van de volgende vraag: Hoe kunnen we verklaren dat Botswana democratisch is gebleven ondanks ongunstige voorwaarden?Show less
Het doel van dit onderzoek was te onderzoeken in hoeverre de drie mechanismen, die Ross beschrijft als verklaring voor de link tussen olie-export en autoritair bewind, in Brazilië, Mexico en...Show moreHet doel van dit onderzoek was te onderzoeken in hoeverre de drie mechanismen, die Ross beschrijft als verklaring voor de link tussen olie-export en autoritair bewind, in Brazilië, Mexico en Venezuela aanwezig zijn.Show less
