Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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When people look back at the 21st century they will undoubtedly characterize China’s rise as one of the major events. As the country ascends to a great power status, its regional and international...Show moreWhen people look back at the 21st century they will undoubtedly characterize China’s rise as one of the major events. As the country ascends to a great power status, its regional and international counterparts observe how Beijing will project its power. The East Asian neighboring states have been tenser because of their ongoing maritime territorial disputes with China. Multiple diplomatic episodes from the mid-2000s until today in the East and South China Seas and demonstrations of Chinese assertiveness in pursuing its national claims have been at the heart of regional tension and instability. In this context, the present thesis poses the following research question: Which factors explain China’s assertive behavior in the East and South China Seas? My main argument is that China’s assertiveness is due primarily to three factors, which are: Beijing’s reactions to other states’ actions, Chinese popular nationalism demand for a stronger external presence and its growing necessity to acquire natural resources and safeguard national transportation corridors. In order to examine the effects of these three factors I have undertaken two case studies, namely the case of Japan and the East China Sea contention and the case of the Philippines and the South China Sea contention.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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The participation of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and private individuals have become more important in human rights issues in international politics in the past decades. Oftentimes NGOs in...Show moreThe participation of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and private individuals have become more important in human rights issues in international politics in the past decades. Oftentimes NGOs in different countries with similar issue concerns form ‘transnational advocacy networks’ with the believe that such cooperation is beneficial to achieve goals in their agenda. This thesis is based on Keck and Sikkink’s theory of transnational advocacy network, and engages in the analysis on how the East Asian transnational advocacy network on the comfort women issue emerged forty years after the War was over, and what brought the NGOs in different Asian countries together other than just the nationalities of the former comfort women, and formed the ‘boomerang pattern’. Next, it analyses on the strategies adopted by the East Asian transnational advocacy network on the comfort women issue, and their strategies are categorised by what Keck and Sikkink listed as information, symbolic, leverage, and accountability politics. It then turns to the international responses, most importantly, the responses from the Japanese government on the comfort women issue, also responses from other states. Last, it assesses the achievement and challenges faced by the comfort women movement based on the five criteria proposed by Keck and Sikkink in evaluating the result of transnational advocacy movements.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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This thesis assesses the notion that liberal democracies make inherently poor counterinsurgents by conducting a most similar case comparison of the Algerian War (1954- 1962) and the Second Chechen...Show moreThis thesis assesses the notion that liberal democracies make inherently poor counterinsurgents by conducting a most similar case comparison of the Algerian War (1954- 1962) and the Second Chechen War (1999-2009). By comparing two cases where prominent variables were common, other than regime type and case outcome, this paper was able to determine that regime type does matter in small wars. Although both counterinsurgents were able to achieve military success through brutality, regime type was ultimately consequential to the outcomes of the small wars. Whereas the more authoritarian state (Russia) was relatively unimpeded in its war effort, the democratic state (France) ultimately lost the war due to the freedom of the media and its democratic institutions. In France, the media exposed the barbarisms of the army, generating condemnation at both domestic and international levels. This opposition to the war effort would prove insurmountable to the democratic state. Through coercion, France sought to suppress domestic criticism, but in doing so, eroded the democratic virtue of the state. Ultimately faced with the option of either preserving democracy or maintaining the brutal, but effective, counterinsurgency, France capitulated, ending its colonial rule in Algeria. Russia, on the other hand, was never held accountable due to an aggressive information operations campaign that precluded the war effort from becoming a prominent public issue. As the suppression of public criticism is unavailable to democratic states, democracies are found to be inherently less proficient at counterinsurgency.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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The crisis in Darfur is one of the world’s most significant conflicts. In the last decades, frequent drought and increasing demographic pressures are part of the forces that have pushed the region...Show moreThe crisis in Darfur is one of the world’s most significant conflicts. In the last decades, frequent drought and increasing demographic pressures are part of the forces that have pushed the region into a spiral of violence leading to a major humanitarian disaster. According to the Environmental Degradation and Conflict in Darfur Report (2009), carried out by the United Nations Environmental Program (UNEP), Darfur illustrates the linkage between poverty, environmental degradation and conflict. However, Darfur cannot be understood merely as a conflict over resources. It is also driven by governmental deficiencies and purposeful mismanagement. The purpose of this paper is therefore to contribute to the study of the role of environmental resources in conflicts and in particular, their contribution toward the perpetuation of violence. Under what conditions does resource scarcity contribute to the perpetuation of violence?Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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The interaction of security and defence policy in United Kingdom has a distinct relationship. The relationship in this study was checked in the post-war stages of Iraq. The research found...Show moreThe interaction of security and defence policy in United Kingdom has a distinct relationship. The relationship in this study was checked in the post-war stages of Iraq. The research found interesting results on the interaction of policy and press. The nature of British press determines to a level the type of interaction between the two components. A combination of Hallin and Robinson’s theoretical framework was used to describe the interaction between news reporting and British defence and security policy in 2008. The empirical analysis found that the interaction in the entire period of analysis was in the level of policy dissent between the sub-systems and more specifically the political elite. The research also sought to find circumstances under which press attention to an issue such as defence and security policy would be amplified.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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Recent research of internal conflict has changed the conception of civil war from the clash of two major actors along clearly defined political cleavages because of both theoretical considerations...Show moreRecent research of internal conflict has changed the conception of civil war from the clash of two major actors along clearly defined political cleavages because of both theoretical considerations and observations of civil wars in the post-Cold War era. On one hand, micro-level inquiries of civil wars concentrate on the importance of local issues in civil war environments and call attention to the fact that such local considerations are usually more important in participation and picking sides than past research assumed. On the other hand, the binary perception of civil wars also challenged by the increase in the number of symmetrical non-conventional (SNC) civil wars, fought mainly in multiethnic states and by actors with balanced, yetmutually low military capabilities. I argue that in this type of warfare actors feel less compelled to realign along the main cleavage of the conflict as it has been shown by research on the fluidity of groupallegiance in such wars. By looking at the cases of the Armenian community during Lebanon’s 1975-1990 civil war and the Baggara tribes of South Darfur in the Darfur conflict since 2003 I argue that SNC wars provide a good chance for pursuing neutral strategies. I argue that these neutral strategies are shaped by the values of two variables: the cohesion of the political leadership of the group and the relation between local intercommunal and supralocal national cleavages.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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The BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), now a nascent political grouping of powerful emerging market economies, began as little more than an economic idea. A report...Show moreThe BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), now a nascent political grouping of powerful emerging market economies, began as little more than an economic idea. A report published by a prominent financial firm coined the term “BRICS” because of their similar economic sizes and future market potential. The report never considered the possibility of these countries forming a grouping. When the global financial crisis began 2007, the BRICS saw an opportunity for cooperation. Naturally, their greatest common interests were to reform this failing financial system. This study examines the factors that explain BRICS cooperation to understand how they contribute to their contemporary degree of cooperation.Show less
