This thesis provides one of the first analysis of the roles of the two most recent secretaries general of NATO (who finished their terms) in shaping the alliance policy on two major crisis affairs;...Show moreThis thesis provides one of the first analysis of the roles of the two most recent secretaries general of NATO (who finished their terms) in shaping the alliance policy on two major crisis affairs; Jaap de Hoop Scheffer on the mission in Afghanistan (ISAF) and Anders Fogh Rasmussen on the operation in Libya (Operation Unified Protector). Much has been written on NATO’s actions and decisions towards Afghanistan, but no specific research is available on de Hoop Scheffer’s leadership during the decisive period for NATO in Afghanistan, since command of the mission was turned over indefinitely to NATO on August 11, 2003. The same can be said for Rasmussen’s leadership during ISAF and NATO’s operation in Libya. The research question is: To what extent do NATO’s secretaries general shape alliance policy on crisis situations? This research question is answered through a case study research method on both de Hoop Scheffer’s and Rasmussen’s role in shaping NATO policy on two major crises situations during their term in office: Afghanistan and Libya. Both case studies consist of an analysis in three categories: systematic, organizational and personality factors.Show less
One of the greatest dangers of contemporary international politics is the proliferation of nuclear weapons. New states who acquire nuclear weapons increase the risk of nuclear war or the spread of...Show moreOne of the greatest dangers of contemporary international politics is the proliferation of nuclear weapons. New states who acquire nuclear weapons increase the risk of nuclear war or the spread of nuclear material to other parties. Two of these states in particular have been focal points of international efforts to stop the spread of nuclear weapons: Libya and North Korea. Existing theories of nuclear proliferation do not offer a solid explanation for this extreme difference in behavior. The internal characteristics of the regime and the concept of ‘security guarantee’ needs to be differentiated to adequately explain proliferation of nuclear weapons.Show less
Approximately twelve years after the end of a one-year European Union (EU) arms embargo on Indonesia, the Dutch House of Representatives blocked the sale of second-hand conventional weapons to the...Show moreApproximately twelve years after the end of a one-year European Union (EU) arms embargo on Indonesia, the Dutch House of Representatives blocked the sale of second-hand conventional weapons to the former Dutch colony in 2012 . The House of Representatives cited human rights concerns as the main culprit for blocking the sale, overruling the minority government in its decision that a possible sale of arms would comply with European arms export criteria. The following year, the German federal government approved the same deal on the 8th of May, 2013. This decision appears paradoxical given the EU Common Position on Arms Exports , which attempts to harmonise the arms export policy of EU member states and requires them to deny arms export licenses to countries with poor human rights track records that may use the transferred arms in violation of international humanitarian law. The criteria of the Common Position prominently feature respect for human rights and the internationally agreed 'laws of war' and contain several mechanisms by which coherent results on behalf of arms export licensing are to be effectuated. Much as this thesis portrays a view of steady development in the area of European cooperation on arms control, it will conclude that EU member states remain sovereign in their decisions to export weapons when and to whom it suits them.Show less
This thesis investigates three different Transnational Advocacy groups within the field of arms control. The aim of this study is to find out why the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL)...Show moreThis thesis investigates three different Transnational Advocacy groups within the field of arms control. The aim of this study is to find out why the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL) and the Cluster Munitions Coalition (CMC) succeeded in achieving their goal, this in contradiction to the International Action Network on Small Arms (IANSA) who failed in achieving a non compromising legally binding treaty. The research question is therefore “What are the reasons that explain success for Transnational Advocacy Networks in the field of arms control.” To analyze the ICBL, CMC and the IANSA a framework is developed mostly using Hubert’s theory on Advocacy Networks.Show less
Although there has been written extensively on the different arms treaties, there has not been developed a way to consistently determine the strength of a treaty with the help of a set of criteria,...Show moreAlthough there has been written extensively on the different arms treaties, there has not been developed a way to consistently determine the strength of a treaty with the help of a set of criteria, thus far. This research project aims to establish such a list (although merely a preliminary one), along with a proper definition of the often-used but undefined concept of loopholes. This writing will also offer an explanation for the found weaknesses of the Arms Trade Treaty, using neorealism as its starting point. In closure, the author argues that strong treaties are forged outside the United Nations—free of great power leverage—while weaker treaties are drafted within the consensus-minded United Nations under the watchful eyes of great powers.Show less
This study examines the relationship between domestic constraints and the implementation of international agreements by concentrating on the process of ratification. Specifically, I empirically...Show moreThis study examines the relationship between domestic constraints and the implementation of international agreements by concentrating on the process of ratification. Specifically, I empirically focus on the case of German defection and the NATO mission to Libya. Since the main theories of international cooperation lacked the focus on domestic factors, this study tests the role of five domestic factors. However, with respect to their relative influence, I argue that domestic constraints are influenced themselves by (historical) narratives and prominent political elites.Show less
Levitsky & Way (2010) have performed interesting research on competitive authoritarian regimes(CAR). They investigated the influence of democracies on these type of regimes. They also noted...Show moreLevitsky & Way (2010) have performed interesting research on competitive authoritarian regimes(CAR). They investigated the influence of democracies on these type of regimes. They also noted that there are authoritarian regimes who influenced the same CAR's. They labelled these authoritarian regimes Black Knights. This thesis investigates the influence of such a Black Knight on a CAR, in this case the influence of Russia on Kyrgyzstan. This thesis furthermore provides a possible framework for performing research on the influence of Black Knights on CAR's, by building on the existing theory of Levitsky & Way (2010).Show less
In this thesis, the author observes the puzzle of escalation and de-escalation in irregular war, accounting for both the strong and weak actor, using a Strategic Theory (i.e. Clausewitzian logic)...Show moreIn this thesis, the author observes the puzzle of escalation and de-escalation in irregular war, accounting for both the strong and weak actor, using a Strategic Theory (i.e. Clausewitzian logic) narrative. He focuses on two arguments: (1) domestic politics cause friction for both actors, (2) international pressure (from state and non-state actors) causes friction for both actors. This international pressure also includes image. Using a variety of observation techniques and limited quantitative analysis, the author finds that (1) domestic political rivalry facilitates escalation for the strong and the weak actor and has no bearing on de-escalation; escalation erodes and diminishes domestic political rivalry. (2) International pressure and image facilitates de-escalation on both sides in order to maintain a positive image. (3) The weak actor must start de-escalating in response to the strong actor’s de-escalation; else it may very well damage its own capacity to achieve its political objectives. He then discusses the policy implications that this conclusion has, most notably (1) the way that policy-makers may change their behavior in order to improve their own image, or the image of the actor they represent. (2) They may or may not be more cautious when dealing with domestic rivalry, as they may seek to avoid escalating, and would rather tackle the actual cause of domestic rivalry. Opportunities for future research in the thesis. Most notable opportunities for future research include (1) the relationship between strong actor de-escalation and weak actor de-escalation and the way the former enables the latter. (2) The effect of the situation on the ground, rather than on the purely political level, on each actor’s decision to de-escalate.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Economic diplomacy is now a standard practice. However, the strategies that countries use differ. This thesis examines if countries in the same income category, low middle, upper middle and high...Show moreEconomic diplomacy is now a standard practice. However, the strategies that countries use differ. This thesis examines if countries in the same income category, low middle, upper middle and high-income have similar strategy. It would follow from the literature that based on high-income status a more advance and integrated strategy is used. Research in this thesis concludes that especially the countries in the upper middle-income category are still traditional in their policy development and management, but when it comes to economic aid donors these countries have innovative programs in place.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
Post-election violence is often associated with structural conditions including poverty and ethnicity, and/or the strategic behavior of ‘big bosses’ and/or the electoral institutions. This thesis...Show morePost-election violence is often associated with structural conditions including poverty and ethnicity, and/or the strategic behavior of ‘big bosses’ and/or the electoral institutions. This thesis explains the post-election violence in Kenya 2007-8 by structurally testing existing explanations of this kind of violence. The analysis shows that constituencies in which the opposition won the elections with a small margin of victory experienced most violence after the elections. In these cases the election battle was most severe. After the elections politicians use violence to punish voters of their rival party by organizing violent action including protests and the deployment of criminal gangs. Besides, violence is used as negotiation strategy by both the opposition and the incumbent to influence the formation of a government. Politicians seduce individual citizens to use violence since their supporters depend on clientelist rewards in exchange for their political support. The allocation of state resources follows ethnic lines for which the political competition and the subsequent violence are ethnical in nature.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
What factors ensure the success of an international mediation effort in an intractable conflict? Academics and practitioners remain divided on the issue, with previous research offering many and...Show moreWhat factors ensure the success of an international mediation effort in an intractable conflict? Academics and practitioners remain divided on the issue, with previous research offering many and varied explanations. Existing studies have focused on the conflict’s intensity, the nature of the issues, the parties’ motivation to mediate, and the international context in order to understand the causes of a successful mediation. This research employs a framework incorporating contextual, behavioural, and procedural factors in order to determine the explanatory value of (a) the timing of a third-party’s entry into the conflict, (b) mediator impartiality and (c) legitimacy, and (d) the mediator’s strategy in two cases of international mediation in intractable conflicts. Through an in-depth analysis of Northern Ireland and Kosovo, this thesis argues that Northern Ireland’s successful mediation experience may be attributed to propitious timing and the presence of an impartial and legitimate mediator. Similarly, the failure of the mediation effort in Kosovo may have resulted from a combination of inauspicious timing and the presence of a mediator who was perceived by one of the negotiating parties as biased and illegitimate. While mediation is not necessarily a panacea for all conflicts, an understanding of which conditions lead to mediation success will aid practitioners in future mediation efforts.Show less
