The complex and fluid molecule H2O water addresses multiple societal needs. A plethora of water resources, however, are not situated within one single country, which reveals that water crosses...Show moreThe complex and fluid molecule H2O water addresses multiple societal needs. A plethora of water resources, however, are not situated within one single country, which reveals that water crosses static political boundaries and does not respect state sovereignty. Thus, there are water-related scholarly studies, which contain various hydro-political frameworks, which describe and evaluate international hydro-relations within transboundary river basins. The aim of this thesis is to explore the asymmetric power relationships in the Congo River Basin by using the Framework of Hydro-Hegemony, which brings forward a new proposal for the analysis of international transboundary water relations. In order to do so, this thesis operationalises the conceptual framework to put it into practice. The results of the application of the Framework of Hydro-Hegemony to the Congo River Basin show that the Democratic Republic of the Congo is the Hydro-Hegemon in this international river basin, which exercises power over the transboundary water resources in the region. More specifically, it has clear geographical, bargaining, and ideational power advantages due to its predominant geographical position in the Congo River Basin and its role in the regional river basin organisation CICOS. The material power dimension, however, delivered ambiguous results.Show less
Going beyond the Eurocentric perspective that is predominant in the discipline of International Relations (IR), this thesis demonstrates the valuable insights that can be gathered by starting an...Show moreGoing beyond the Eurocentric perspective that is predominant in the discipline of International Relations (IR), this thesis demonstrates the valuable insights that can be gathered by starting an analysis of an internationally relevant topic such as energy security from the viewpoint of commonly marginalised actors. The term ‘marginalised’ refers to actors geographically located in the ‘Global South’ (in this case North Africa) and previously analytically marginalised actors within IR, such as non-state actors. Moreover, this paper provides an informed response to the allegedly neocolonial character of the controversial Desertec project, a transnational energy partnership between the European Union and Middle Eastern and North African states. To be able to do so, the paper adopts an African (Moroccan) agency perspective based on the analytical framework provided by William Brown and a number of selected determinants of agency such as political bargaining power, image management or popular resistance. The paper finds that in its original form, that is, as Desertec was envisioned by its founding father Gerhard Trieb, the Desertec project cannot be described as a European neocolonial project. Yet, in its attempted realisation, Desertec – both the original large-scale project and the following individual projects – certainly had hegemonic features. Its hegemonic character, however, did not exclude and was even partly based upon African actors’ agency. Thus, while European actors still seem to determine the type of international relations held with African countries, North African state and non-state actors demonstrated significant, yet highly uneven agency in the Desertec context, thereby disproving generally held prejudices about African states’ passivity and inferiority in the international system.Show less
Plastic carrier bags are a big source of plastic pollution all around the world. To combat environmental degradation, Kenya has adopted a ban on plastic bags in 2017. This action has made Kenya...Show morePlastic carrier bags are a big source of plastic pollution all around the world. To combat environmental degradation, Kenya has adopted a ban on plastic bags in 2017. This action has made Kenya join the forefront of global environmental policy with regards to plastic pollution. Despite the accompanied strict penalties, the Kenyan ban on plastic bags is globally regarded as an environmental success story. Nonetheless, there are various other positive and negative effects of the ban. This thesis examines the social, environmental, and economic effects of the plastic bag ban in Kenya to determine how effective the 2017 ban has been. These three factors are intertwined and affect one another, sometimes leading to indirect negative side effects of an initial positive consequence. Taking all of the effects of the ban into account, this thesis concludes that although the environmental intentions behind the ban were to reach sustainable development in Kenya, there have been many negative consequences of the ban that have lowered its success.Show less
Since the 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, the strive for gender equality and female empowerment has gained momentum. Yet, how to achieve gender equality and female empowerment...Show moreSince the 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, the strive for gender equality and female empowerment has gained momentum. Yet, how to achieve gender equality and female empowerment remains debated – especially in the realm of politics. African countries are increasingly resorting to electoral gender quotas to reach higher female representation in national legislatures. While scholars have analysed the effect of political regime structure on female representation, they have not accounted for the effects of gender quotas. Thus, this thesis assesses the impact of political regime structure on gender quotas in empowering women by comparing authoritarian Rwanda and democratic Senegal. Female empowerment is measured through an in-depth analysis of descriptive, substantive and symbolic female representation. The paper finds that women in both Rwanda and Senegal have become increasingly empowered as a result of gender quotas.Show less
For decades, Mozambique was a showcase of a beneficial Western aid recipient on the African continent. However, following a national debt crisis and the global financial crisis in 2008, the country...Show moreFor decades, Mozambique was a showcase of a beneficial Western aid recipient on the African continent. However, following a national debt crisis and the global financial crisis in 2008, the country started looking eastwards, increasingly seeking and accepting investment and aid from China. Mozambique witnessed increasing engagement from China, especially in the exploitation of raw materials and infrastructure development. In academic literature and public discourse, the South-South cooperation between the two developing countries is often portrayed as benefitting only China, ascribing the Mozambican state a merely passive and receiving role. This thesis scrutinizes this assumption and explores the different ways in which the Mozambican government asserts its agency vis-à-vis China, specifically in the mining sector. Indeed, the analysis shows that, despite structural constraints, the government does exercise agency on various levels.Show less
A continent that is continually viewed as a victim from its history of marginalization and exploitation, African states struggle for their place in international relations. Africa is hardly studied...Show moreA continent that is continually viewed as a victim from its history of marginalization and exploitation, African states struggle for their place in international relations. Africa is hardly studied on its role and impact on exogenous actors and relations. Consequently, it is therefore simple to view Africa as the hopeless continent as it is primarily studied on its history of exploitation. However, African states have been amongst the first to declare themselves nuclear free zones, they drove the global campaign to end apartheid and much more (Van Wyk, 2015, 108). What is more is how African states have exerted agency in international relations. The use of unusual tactics like utilizing a victim discourse that has been prescribed to them to their advantage.Show less
“The struggles for water between hegemons and subordinates are set within the framework of hydro-hegemony and include the concept of power. Hegemonic and counter-hegemonic strategies drive changes...Show more“The struggles for water between hegemons and subordinates are set within the framework of hydro-hegemony and include the concept of power. Hegemonic and counter-hegemonic strategies drive changes at the international level allowing different states to shift their perceived power. Their positions actively affects the discourse, influencing processes like agenda-setting, policy-making and hydropower plans. This paper analyses the struggle between Egypt and Ethiopia within the hydro-hegemonic framework assessing the different practices employed by Cairo to (re-)assert its position as the most powerful player in the Nile River Basin complex, the hegemon.”Show less
Looking at South Africa in a contemporary context, one is forced to take a closer look especially at its economic and political struggles. Trying to grow out of its subaltern position and legacy of...Show moreLooking at South Africa in a contemporary context, one is forced to take a closer look especially at its economic and political struggles. Trying to grow out of its subaltern position and legacy of its past, South Africa yet remains to struggle with corruption and inequality in many dimensions. The heritage of land inequality has been formalized through the Native Land Acts in 1913 and 1936, which strangulated commercial farming activities of the black majority and thus, later gave incentives to change the hereditary constraint to South Africa’s economy. The Land Reform Act of 1994 was formulated to overcome the inherently unequal distribution of land in South Africa. As Ward Anseeuw states in his paper on the effectiveness of South Africa’s land reform, the African National Congress (ANC) during its ascension to power in 1994 promised a restructure of the economy through the redistribution of land; the growth, employment and redistribution program (GEAR). Its objective was to redistribute the land prior given to the white minority and fix the legacy of the past by making land available to the black population. However, taking a closer look at the “success story” of the countries’ ambitious program and recent heated debates and developments in South Africa, one comes to ask, if the country is heading the same way as Zimbabwe? Zimbabwe, a country in which land reform remains at the heart of its political and economic challenges, demonstrates that wrong and flawed implementations lead to a national hunger crisis, violence and the distortion of the country. South Africa, having a better political and policy framework should be heading towards a positive future of land distribution and agriculture. But, the complexity of the problem offers a difficult accomplishment of this task, especially when one observes recent violence against white-owned farms and escalating racial rhetoric in South Africa. Especially, Zimbabwe’s land occupations may have fueled fears of commercial farmers and breathed new lives in the demand for land reform elsewhere in Sub-Saharan Africa. South Africa’s land reform addressed and implemented as a process to redress the apartheid colonialism and the Native Land Acts of 1913 and 1936, to fuel South Africa’s economy and to reduce its stigma of racial and economic inequality. The question of the success of land reforms therefore identifies a wider and older issue South Africa is fighting with for decades. If it will follow Zimbabwe’s footsteps there remains speculation, but the succession of its land reform wont set sail towards a brighter horizon, if South Africa does not change its course in the debate on land restitution, land tenure and land redistribution and sets clear policies on the acquisition of land. The government, since 1994 has relied on its 1996 Constitution and on the 1997 White paper on Land Reform, but the land reform in its essence has failed and will continue to be unsuccessful in its implementation, if it doesn’t revise its land reform and if there are no actions taken to change its fate. This paper will therefore aim to identify, what after twenty-two years after the transition to democracy and the commencement of land, in South Africa is going wrong and if or how its land reform can possibly be saved.Show less
Corruption is an epidemic that prevails in all different layers of societies and governments around the world. While there have been continuous attempts aimed at ridding of the phenomenon, yet the...Show moreCorruption is an epidemic that prevails in all different layers of societies and governments around the world. While there have been continuous attempts aimed at ridding of the phenomenon, yet the war against corruption is yet to be a triumphed one. None of the traditional methods of tackling corruption that were applied by governments, nongovernment actors, or even global institutions such as the World Bank and Transparency International, have ever truly succeeded. Arguably, this can be due to the lack of innovation and the mere following of the traditional steps for battling corruption. Therefore, the paper will aim to illustrate that a new solution can arise from moving towards digitalised governance, in an attempt to reduce corruption in the public sector. Particular focus will be directed towards blockchain technology, as the thesis will contend that the adoption thereof offers the promise of significantly improving the Egyptian land registry, and curbing the corruption that is embedded within it. To verify this hypothesis, the thesis will look at Brazil’s blockchain-based solution and will examine the technology through a diffusion-of-innovation perspective.Show less
The thesis examines foreign policy behaviour in fractured states, which is argued to be more complex than in unitary nation states. The argument will be based on an assessment of foreign policy...Show moreThe thesis examines foreign policy behaviour in fractured states, which is argued to be more complex than in unitary nation states. The argument will be based on an assessment of foreign policy making in Ethiopia. The study specifically tries to investigate the influence of Ethiopia’s unique ethnic federal system on foreign policy making. It does so by applying a Neoclassical Realist framework to illuminate the dynamics between the international system and the domestic political settlement in shaping foreign policy responses. By making use of this framework, complex relations can be pointed out. Concluding the paper finds that even though Ethiopia is highly fractured along institutionalized ethnic lines, the foreign policy behaviour is predominantly determined by elitist strategies for regime survival. Nonetheless, the political core elite makes use of ethnic undertones to mobilize resources in their interest and shape a preferable national narrative. It will be shown that foreign policy and the national interest pursued are defined by the core elite to suit their strategies of regime survivalShow less
This paper investigates the role of the 2000 Ugandan Amnesty Act in conflict resolution. Presently, scholars have focused on the role of amnesties in various contexts, yet neglected their role in...Show moreThis paper investigates the role of the 2000 Ugandan Amnesty Act in conflict resolution. Presently, scholars have focused on the role of amnesties in various contexts, yet neglected their role in conflict resolution. As the implementation of amnesties in conflict resolution is becoming increasingly more common, this gap in the literature should be addressed in order to be able to complement the ongoing debate on the value of amnesties. The conflict in Uganda provides for new and ample data that provide further perspective on amnesties as a means for conflict resolution. The Ugandan Amnesty aimed to advance conflict resolution by reintegrating former LRA combatants. To measure whether reintegration has been successful, the successes in social and economic reintegration have been considered. Reintegration has been considered a success in Uganda as the probability of continuation of the conflict has decreased and consequently, the role of the Amnesty can be considered significant.Show less
“Processes of globalisation, new migratory patterns and the creation of transnational entities have altered political dynamics. Crossing geographic, cultural and political borders, diaspora...Show more“Processes of globalisation, new migratory patterns and the creation of transnational entities have altered political dynamics. Crossing geographic, cultural and political borders, diaspora communities have become more numerous gaining political significance. With the end of the Cold War and the opening of new political spaces, diasporas have been increasingly recognised as emerging non-state actors in the international arena. While the importance of studying diaspora politics and their impact has generally been acknowledged, there remains an active debate on the nature and scope of diaspora politics and their actual influence on the global political arena. In this context, this thesis examines how diaspora communities exert influence on foreign policy making towards their home countries. Through an in-depth case study of the Rwandan diaspora living in the Netherlands, it will contribute to the broader field of diaspora politics by generating insights that enhance the understanding of diaspora’s critical roles and political engagement with their host countries. Examining conditions – both attribute-based and contextual factors in the host country – which limit or enhance the diaspora’s ability to exert political agency, provides an understanding of the diaspora’s potential in influencing foreign policy formulation, contextualising them as actors in the global arena. “Show less
It is not groundbreaking that developing countries face totally different challenges to that of advanced economies. Many African countries have long suffered the effects of the ‘one-size-fits-all’...Show moreIt is not groundbreaking that developing countries face totally different challenges to that of advanced economies. Many African countries have long suffered the effects of the ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach taken by the international community regarding different issues such as governance. The aims of this paper are to examine the role ‘Big Men’ play in the shaping of the current ‘good governance’ agenda. More specifically, how Rwanda’s president Paul Kagame defies many of the criticisms neopatrimonial leaders receive regarding their way of doing politics. In spite of not following what is considered as prerequisites in the pursuance of development, he has managed to turn the country into one of the fastest developing nations of the present day, doubling its GDP PPP in less than 10 years. Furthermore, other indicators like the GDI and the HDI also show the striking improvement the country has experienced since the incumbent president assumed office. The combination of neopatrimonial networks of patronage for the creation of rents and his authoritarian style of the ruling has proven effective in the achievement of such rapid growth. He has defied the universal assumptions on the political capabilities of alternatives types of regimes. This thesis proves that the conventional ‘good governance’ needs revision.Show less
The complex nature of peace and security threats demands a profound approach that tackles the problem at its roots. Especially regional conflicts are highly interconnected with many causes and...Show moreThe complex nature of peace and security threats demands a profound approach that tackles the problem at its roots. Especially regional conflicts are highly interconnected with many causes and stakeholders, requiring the right collaborations between local, regional and international institutions. The purpose of this study is to investigate the influence of the African Union as a regional actor versus the United Nations as an international actor in addressing these complex challenges. The underlying motive is to research regional competences, difficulties and possibilities in the role as security actor. To do this, the regional and international response to the militant group Boko Haram in Nigeria is used to provide insight in the different dimensions of this conflict. It is argued that on the one hand, the African Union can act faster and is more relevant in cases of a regional conflict, but on the other hand suffers from a lack of neutrality. Besides this, the amount of resources and authority is limited, and financial means and legitimacy have mainly been provided by the United Nations up until now. Although the extent of influence is difficult to measure, the African Union has the potential to be of more significance and to increase its influence in effectively addressing regional conflicts on the African continent.Show less
