This paper investigates the role of the 2000 Ugandan Amnesty Act in conflict resolution. Presently, scholars have focused on the role of amnesties in various contexts, yet neglected their role in...Show moreThis paper investigates the role of the 2000 Ugandan Amnesty Act in conflict resolution. Presently, scholars have focused on the role of amnesties in various contexts, yet neglected their role in conflict resolution. As the implementation of amnesties in conflict resolution is becoming increasingly more common, this gap in the literature should be addressed in order to be able to complement the ongoing debate on the value of amnesties. The conflict in Uganda provides for new and ample data that provide further perspective on amnesties as a means for conflict resolution. The Ugandan Amnesty aimed to advance conflict resolution by reintegrating former LRA combatants. To measure whether reintegration has been successful, the successes in social and economic reintegration have been considered. Reintegration has been considered a success in Uganda as the probability of continuation of the conflict has decreased and consequently, the role of the Amnesty can be considered significant.Show less
“Processes of globalisation, new migratory patterns and the creation of transnational entities have altered political dynamics. Crossing geographic, cultural and political borders, diaspora...Show more“Processes of globalisation, new migratory patterns and the creation of transnational entities have altered political dynamics. Crossing geographic, cultural and political borders, diaspora communities have become more numerous gaining political significance. With the end of the Cold War and the opening of new political spaces, diasporas have been increasingly recognised as emerging non-state actors in the international arena. While the importance of studying diaspora politics and their impact has generally been acknowledged, there remains an active debate on the nature and scope of diaspora politics and their actual influence on the global political arena. In this context, this thesis examines how diaspora communities exert influence on foreign policy making towards their home countries. Through an in-depth case study of the Rwandan diaspora living in the Netherlands, it will contribute to the broader field of diaspora politics by generating insights that enhance the understanding of diaspora’s critical roles and political engagement with their host countries. Examining conditions – both attribute-based and contextual factors in the host country – which limit or enhance the diaspora’s ability to exert political agency, provides an understanding of the diaspora’s potential in influencing foreign policy formulation, contextualising them as actors in the global arena. “Show less
It is not groundbreaking that developing countries face totally different challenges to that of advanced economies. Many African countries have long suffered the effects of the ‘one-size-fits-all’...Show moreIt is not groundbreaking that developing countries face totally different challenges to that of advanced economies. Many African countries have long suffered the effects of the ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach taken by the international community regarding different issues such as governance. The aims of this paper are to examine the role ‘Big Men’ play in the shaping of the current ‘good governance’ agenda. More specifically, how Rwanda’s president Paul Kagame defies many of the criticisms neopatrimonial leaders receive regarding their way of doing politics. In spite of not following what is considered as prerequisites in the pursuance of development, he has managed to turn the country into one of the fastest developing nations of the present day, doubling its GDP PPP in less than 10 years. Furthermore, other indicators like the GDI and the HDI also show the striking improvement the country has experienced since the incumbent president assumed office. The combination of neopatrimonial networks of patronage for the creation of rents and his authoritarian style of the ruling has proven effective in the achievement of such rapid growth. He has defied the universal assumptions on the political capabilities of alternatives types of regimes. This thesis proves that the conventional ‘good governance’ needs revision.Show less
The complex nature of peace and security threats demands a profound approach that tackles the problem at its roots. Especially regional conflicts are highly interconnected with many causes and...Show moreThe complex nature of peace and security threats demands a profound approach that tackles the problem at its roots. Especially regional conflicts are highly interconnected with many causes and stakeholders, requiring the right collaborations between local, regional and international institutions. The purpose of this study is to investigate the influence of the African Union as a regional actor versus the United Nations as an international actor in addressing these complex challenges. The underlying motive is to research regional competences, difficulties and possibilities in the role as security actor. To do this, the regional and international response to the militant group Boko Haram in Nigeria is used to provide insight in the different dimensions of this conflict. It is argued that on the one hand, the African Union can act faster and is more relevant in cases of a regional conflict, but on the other hand suffers from a lack of neutrality. Besides this, the amount of resources and authority is limited, and financial means and legitimacy have mainly been provided by the United Nations up until now. Although the extent of influence is difficult to measure, the African Union has the potential to be of more significance and to increase its influence in effectively addressing regional conflicts on the African continent.Show less
This thesis aims to understand how kwaito music constructed the Y-generation’s black sexual identity during the rainbow years (1994-1999) in post-apartheid South Africa. The thesis argues that...Show moreThis thesis aims to understand how kwaito music constructed the Y-generation’s black sexual identity during the rainbow years (1994-1999) in post-apartheid South Africa. The thesis argues that identity is constructed through performativity, as it is an active process of becoming and doing. In order to understand the new discourse of identity in 1994-1999 kwaito music elements of the music group Boom Shaka will be analyzed. These elements create representations of black sexuality, which become the tools through which identity is thus constructed. This construction of identity will lastly been understood in terms of dis-identification, as the process of identity construction through kwaito has a particular political reaction to the history of racial control in South Africa.Show less
An explorative thesis that seeks to understand the extent to which foreign investment leads to economic development in Kenya. Using the Dutch floricultural sector present in Kenya as a case study,...Show moreAn explorative thesis that seeks to understand the extent to which foreign investment leads to economic development in Kenya. Using the Dutch floricultural sector present in Kenya as a case study, its effects on the Kenyan economy in terms of employment, wages, technology transfer and tax revenues are analyzed. While the sector contributes significantly in terms of employment and would arguably not exist without foreign investment, it has thus far failed to significantly improve the lives of its' employees, lead to technology transfers or raise additional tax revenues.Show less
This thesis assess the role of Kenya's constitutional reform in preventing electoral violence. Kenya faced an unprecedented level of electoral violence in 2007, with over 1,100 people losing their...Show moreThis thesis assess the role of Kenya's constitutional reform in preventing electoral violence. Kenya faced an unprecedented level of electoral violence in 2007, with over 1,100 people losing their lives and hundreds of thousands internally displaced. Constitutional reform was introduced ahead of the 2013 elections to address some of the issues that caused violence in 2007. The 2013 elections were relatively peaceful for a multitude of reasons, understanding the role of the constitutional reforms in this process is key to identifying strategies and policies for preventing electoral violence in the future.Show less
This thesis concerns the developments in the Western Sahara after the Spanish withdrawal of colonial authority. It takes into account the extertion of influence of non-African nations in the Cold...Show moreThis thesis concerns the developments in the Western Sahara after the Spanish withdrawal of colonial authority. It takes into account the extertion of influence of non-African nations in the Cold War context and especially elaborates on the approach of the Organization of African Unity in order to solve this dispute. The analysis moreover includes relevant transcripts of diplomatic meetings between Henry Kissinger and other important political figures in the years after the conflict´s emergence, which undermine the international significance.Show less
The thesis aims to illustrate how Food Aid, Free Trade Agreements, and Agricultural Dumping are closely related. By drawing the relation between these three seemingly separate issues, a divergent...Show moreThe thesis aims to illustrate how Food Aid, Free Trade Agreements, and Agricultural Dumping are closely related. By drawing the relation between these three seemingly separate issues, a divergent perspective upon the global trading system is exposed. The thesis reaches its outcome by using both macro and micro analyses. Where macro analyses allows the debate to have a more theoretical nature, the micro analyses of the case study on Agricultural Dumping in Mozambique shows a more practical side of the debate. By the use of these two analytical tools, the thesis illustrates how Agricultural Dumping is a negative effect of Food Aid, enabled through Free Trade Agreements. As open market policies and low domestic protection are part of these agreements, local agricultural markets in sub- Saharan Africa become unable to compete with subsidised imported agricultural goods. Hence, the three issues all contribute to an unequal market system that, in certain situations, provides advantages for the donor country and leaves the receiving country at a disadvantage.Show less
The Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities adopted by the UN in 2006 represents the first ever internationally agreed upon instrument in the field of universal human rights of people...Show moreThe Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities adopted by the UN in 2006 represents the first ever internationally agreed upon instrument in the field of universal human rights of people with disabilities. Since the Convention came into force, the number of funding directed towards disabled peoples organization grew significantly. With increase in number of NGOs, including disabled people’s organisation, more and more researchers began to be interested in studying the nature of relationship between the donor and the local NGO. In Tanzania, most of the local NGOs with an aim to improve lives of people with disabilities, receive majority of their funding from Western donors, where the recent trend is to implement the so called “human-rights based approach”. As this paper will discuss, the NGO-donor relationship is in itself unequal due to NGO’s financial dependency on the donor organization. The power relations are expressed through the process of developing an agenda of a development project, more specifically in project’s objectives and how these are in accordance with the NGO’s mission and to what extent can these be achieved with regards to the local context. Apart from achievability, this paper will discuss relevance of the targets and who benefits from these efforts. The analysis evolves around studying the relationship between CHAVITA, a local NGO advocating for the lives and better living conditions of deaf people in Tanzania, and DCW, a British charity organization, which is currently funding their Sign Language Development Project.Show less
Diamonds have played a crucial part in Namibia’s development to become a growing and stable country (Cleveland 6). This thesis will examine the positive impact of the Namibian diamond industry on...Show moreDiamonds have played a crucial part in Namibia’s development to become a growing and stable country (Cleveland 6). This thesis will examine the positive impact of the Namibian diamond industry on the economical and political development of the country since independence. Unlike many other African states rich in natural resources, Namibia was able to enjoy a stable development since its independence. It is thus considered to be one of the few success stories regarding economic growth in Africa (Cleveland 2,6). This thesis hypothesizes that resource rich states benefit from political stability as it leads to economic growth and prosperity. In support of this hypothesis, the paper gives first an overview of the topic, before providing a detailed analysis of possible reasons, including on the basis of historic, political, and economic parameters.Show less
Sub Saharan Africa has recently enjoyed high economic growth rates. Many economists and developmentalists now consider that Africa is rising. Trade is seen as the prominent reason for this growth...Show moreSub Saharan Africa has recently enjoyed high economic growth rates. Many economists and developmentalists now consider that Africa is rising. Trade is seen as the prominent reason for this growth in gross domestic product and aid has slowly been phased out. Trade within the foreign aid debate has acquired many supporters. However behind these economic growth figures human development and inequality are still large issues. In this thesis it will be examined to what extent trade as the opposite of aid leads to increased human development and equality. The text explores the problems associated with aid, the focus on foreign investment and economic growth without an increase in human development or equality. It will be established that solely trade does not increase human development or equality. It is hoped this study will provide insight into how economic growth and declining human development and equality rates can exist side by side.Show less
In the context of the upcoming elections in Kenya in August 2017, debates on Twitter have highlighted the gap between the political elite’s electoral agenda and the population’s daily struggles of...Show moreIn the context of the upcoming elections in Kenya in August 2017, debates on Twitter have highlighted the gap between the political elite’s electoral agenda and the population’s daily struggles of surviving and coping with harsh realities. Kenya’s president, Uhuru Kenyatta, recently launched an online campaign calling for voters registration – #UhuruDabChallenge – which was met with fierce protestations online, formalised under the #DabOfShame. This thesis will analyse the framing of this clash of priorities on Twitter by looking at the spread and use of one hashtag in particular – #DabOfShame – and one of the subtheme the #KOT community highlighted, that is the country’s hunger and drought crises. Indeed, analysing the #DabOfShame highlights the gap between the state discourse and the subsequent online responses, which has a huge impact on the way pertaining daily issues and their realities are depicted online. In particular, looking at Kenya’s most salient and recurrent difficulties – the hunger and drought crises – pinpoints how the users shed light on the problems, thus “framing” an opposition of concerns, and pushing the political elite to address them. Interestingly, the users and content analysis of this specific hashtag give insights into the political socialisation processes that Twitter enables and the platform it provides for the Kenyan connected generation to express its grievances in the everyday context. Eventually, this can inform discussions on the possibility of social media to influence the government’s agenda and produce a united common front in a context of political polarisation. This, however, also reveals concerning trends in the way Twitter is used by the political elite in Kenya, in particular by its president, which suggests that social media are possibly developing into new podiums on which political legitimacy is fought and gained.Show less
The way people dress in Africa is often overlooked and interpreted as traditional or fixed. Nevertheless, interaction between the African ways of dressing and western styles of fashion has occurred...Show moreThe way people dress in Africa is often overlooked and interpreted as traditional or fixed. Nevertheless, interaction between the African ways of dressing and western styles of fashion has occurred over time increasingly. Especially during colonialism, the influence of the western styles of dressing had on the Africans has increased. As a result of this, the African ways of dressing have changed among many different areas on the continent. In all the various regions of the continent the ways of dressing have developed in different directions and with the colonial influences the changes have been developing via several roads as well. Therefore, each case has its own answers and reasons for why people dress the way they do and its own reasons to reject or embrace the western styles of dressing. Within the following pages the political and cultural reasons for people to embrace or reject the western ways of dressing will be examined.Show less
Diving into the history of the character and spread of Kiswahili, I examine how power structures in society have influenced the character and spread of Kiswahili in Tanzania. I focus on the early...Show moreDiving into the history of the character and spread of Kiswahili, I examine how power structures in society have influenced the character and spread of Kiswahili in Tanzania. I focus on the early independence period because Kiswahili was nationalised during this period and because the manner in which this was done and legitimised remains underresearched. Using the Gramscian concept hegemony as the success of the ruling class to construct a worldview that is accepted throughout society which naturalizes power relationships between different social groups, I argue that the ideology through which Kiswahili was nationalised in Tanzania shaped the discourse on Kiswahili in a way that naturalizes the power structures in society, thereby implicitly justifying the choice of Kiswahili as the national language. Upon independence, TANU formed the state and shaped the nation. They were the new ruling class and as such tried to establish hegemony. Analysing Ujamaa ideology and the discourse on Kiswahili, I explain how this discourse subverted the issue of ethnic languages and power relations in Tanzania. The mythical elements of these discourses are deconstructed by juxtaposing them with historical realities. By debunking the ideological assumptions on which knowledge about Kiswahili was produced, I simultaneously call into question the epistemological value of research published in the journal Kiswahili.Show less
