This thesis deals with the repatriation of Rwandan refugees to Rwanda. In the following paper, Megan Bradley's Theory of Just Return is applied to a new case study, the situation of Rwandan...Show moreThis thesis deals with the repatriation of Rwandan refugees to Rwanda. In the following paper, Megan Bradley's Theory of Just Return is applied to a new case study, the situation of Rwandan refugees in Uganda and their return to Rwanda. By focusing on the policies implemented to facilitate the reintegration of the returnees, this thesis explores the new relationship between state and returnee as well as the importance of redress in repatriation.Show less
The purpose of this thesis is to use a new lens through which to analyse terrorist recruitment tactics. This will be done by examining how Al-Shabaab has manipulated the collective memory of the...Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is to use a new lens through which to analyse terrorist recruitment tactics. This will be done by examining how Al-Shabaab has manipulated the collective memory of the Kenyan ‘military intervention’ through their tweets during the Westgate terrorist attack of 2013. In order to answer this question, the tweets will be analysed through the field of memory studies, paying special attention to postmemory, collectivisation of memory, false memory creation and the establishment of imagined communities. This thesis concludes that Al-Shabaab and other terrorist organisations on a more global level are able to acquire recruits through manipulating how memories are represented in social media. By mediating the narrative of the Kenyan intervention in Twitter, Al-Shabaab is able to transmit the memory to a larger audience ensuring the continuity of their struggle against Kenya throughout varying social spheres and different generations.Show less
Looking at South Africa in a contemporary context, one is forced to take a closer look especially at its economic and political struggles. Trying to grow out of its subaltern position and legacy of...Show moreLooking at South Africa in a contemporary context, one is forced to take a closer look especially at its economic and political struggles. Trying to grow out of its subaltern position and legacy of its past, South Africa yet remains to struggle with corruption and inequality in many dimensions. The heritage of land inequality has been formalized through the Native Land Acts in 1913 and 1936, which strangulated commercial farming activities of the black majority and thus, later gave incentives to change the hereditary constraint to South Africa’s economy. The Land Reform Act of 1994 was formulated to overcome the inherently unequal distribution of land in South Africa. As Ward Anseeuw states in his paper on the effectiveness of South Africa’s land reform, the African National Congress (ANC) during its ascension to power in 1994 promised a restructure of the economy through the redistribution of land; the growth, employment and redistribution program (GEAR). Its objective was to redistribute the land prior given to the white minority and fix the legacy of the past by making land available to the black population. However, taking a closer look at the “success story” of the countries’ ambitious program and recent heated debates and developments in South Africa, one comes to ask, if the country is heading the same way as Zimbabwe? Zimbabwe, a country in which land reform remains at the heart of its political and economic challenges, demonstrates that wrong and flawed implementations lead to a national hunger crisis, violence and the distortion of the country. South Africa, having a better political and policy framework should be heading towards a positive future of land distribution and agriculture. But, the complexity of the problem offers a difficult accomplishment of this task, especially when one observes recent violence against white-owned farms and escalating racial rhetoric in South Africa. Especially, Zimbabwe’s land occupations may have fueled fears of commercial farmers and breathed new lives in the demand for land reform elsewhere in Sub-Saharan Africa. South Africa’s land reform addressed and implemented as a process to redress the apartheid colonialism and the Native Land Acts of 1913 and 1936, to fuel South Africa’s economy and to reduce its stigma of racial and economic inequality. The question of the success of land reforms therefore identifies a wider and older issue South Africa is fighting with for decades. If it will follow Zimbabwe’s footsteps there remains speculation, but the succession of its land reform wont set sail towards a brighter horizon, if South Africa does not change its course in the debate on land restitution, land tenure and land redistribution and sets clear policies on the acquisition of land. The government, since 1994 has relied on its 1996 Constitution and on the 1997 White paper on Land Reform, but the land reform in its essence has failed and will continue to be unsuccessful in its implementation, if it doesn’t revise its land reform and if there are no actions taken to change its fate. This paper will therefore aim to identify, what after twenty-two years after the transition to democracy and the commencement of land, in South Africa is going wrong and if or how its land reform can possibly be saved.Show less
The South African impoverished people have been largely unable to influence political decision-making during the Apartheid era and post-Apartheid. This research focuses on the influence of wealth,...Show moreThe South African impoverished people have been largely unable to influence political decision-making during the Apartheid era and post-Apartheid. This research focuses on the influence of wealth, information asymmetry and perceptions on the impoverished people’s participation with regard to the stadium building process in Cape Town and Nelspruit. The factors of wealth, information asymmetry and perceptions are identified through rigorous literature review, which placed the impoverished people’s participation through the perspective of civic political participation and democracy. The wealth factor displayed a layered power balance with FIFA and the national South African government at the top, local government and local affluent in the middle and local impoverished people at the bottom of the pyramid. The information asymmetry factor for the Cape Town and Nelspruit cases negatively affected the impoverished people’s participation, as they lacked key information that could have assisted them in their political participation. The perception factor showed that the impoverished people had little trust in the political system as the result of corruption and false promises made in the past, which negatively affected their political participation. The stylized nature of the research, by exclusively examining these factors, limited the research, as it did not fully consider a myriad of other factors and the influence of these factors on the decision-making process.Show less
Corruption is an epidemic that prevails in all different layers of societies and governments around the world. While there have been continuous attempts aimed at ridding of the phenomenon, yet the...Show moreCorruption is an epidemic that prevails in all different layers of societies and governments around the world. While there have been continuous attempts aimed at ridding of the phenomenon, yet the war against corruption is yet to be a triumphed one. None of the traditional methods of tackling corruption that were applied by governments, nongovernment actors, or even global institutions such as the World Bank and Transparency International, have ever truly succeeded. Arguably, this can be due to the lack of innovation and the mere following of the traditional steps for battling corruption. Therefore, the paper will aim to illustrate that a new solution can arise from moving towards digitalised governance, in an attempt to reduce corruption in the public sector. Particular focus will be directed towards blockchain technology, as the thesis will contend that the adoption thereof offers the promise of significantly improving the Egyptian land registry, and curbing the corruption that is embedded within it. To verify this hypothesis, the thesis will look at Brazil’s blockchain-based solution and will examine the technology through a diffusion-of-innovation perspective.Show less
The thesis examines foreign policy behaviour in fractured states, which is argued to be more complex than in unitary nation states. The argument will be based on an assessment of foreign policy...Show moreThe thesis examines foreign policy behaviour in fractured states, which is argued to be more complex than in unitary nation states. The argument will be based on an assessment of foreign policy making in Ethiopia. The study specifically tries to investigate the influence of Ethiopia’s unique ethnic federal system on foreign policy making. It does so by applying a Neoclassical Realist framework to illuminate the dynamics between the international system and the domestic political settlement in shaping foreign policy responses. By making use of this framework, complex relations can be pointed out. Concluding the paper finds that even though Ethiopia is highly fractured along institutionalized ethnic lines, the foreign policy behaviour is predominantly determined by elitist strategies for regime survival. Nonetheless, the political core elite makes use of ethnic undertones to mobilize resources in their interest and shape a preferable national narrative. It will be shown that foreign policy and the national interest pursued are defined by the core elite to suit their strategies of regime survivalShow less
Since their decolonisation, the DRC has endured a serie of wars leaving the country in a state of anarchy. Sexual violence has been used throughout the years as a tool to dominate the population...Show moreSince their decolonisation, the DRC has endured a serie of wars leaving the country in a state of anarchy. Sexual violence has been used throughout the years as a tool to dominate the population and undermine their powers in the society. The UN has been an important actor when assisting the victims of rape and they hold the responsability to protect the cvilians. However, they have not completly fulfilled their duties and the DRC remains known as the rape capital of the world. Despite MONUSCO being the largest and most expensive mission of the UN, the congolese populations still live with the fear to endure sexual violence, and its consequences, on a daily basis.Show less
This paper investigates the role of the 2000 Ugandan Amnesty Act in conflict resolution. Presently, scholars have focused on the role of amnesties in various contexts, yet neglected their role in...Show moreThis paper investigates the role of the 2000 Ugandan Amnesty Act in conflict resolution. Presently, scholars have focused on the role of amnesties in various contexts, yet neglected their role in conflict resolution. As the implementation of amnesties in conflict resolution is becoming increasingly more common, this gap in the literature should be addressed in order to be able to complement the ongoing debate on the value of amnesties. The conflict in Uganda provides for new and ample data that provide further perspective on amnesties as a means for conflict resolution. The Ugandan Amnesty aimed to advance conflict resolution by reintegrating former LRA combatants. To measure whether reintegration has been successful, the successes in social and economic reintegration have been considered. Reintegration has been considered a success in Uganda as the probability of continuation of the conflict has decreased and consequently, the role of the Amnesty can be considered significant.Show less
“Processes of globalisation, new migratory patterns and the creation of transnational entities have altered political dynamics. Crossing geographic, cultural and political borders, diaspora...Show more“Processes of globalisation, new migratory patterns and the creation of transnational entities have altered political dynamics. Crossing geographic, cultural and political borders, diaspora communities have become more numerous gaining political significance. With the end of the Cold War and the opening of new political spaces, diasporas have been increasingly recognised as emerging non-state actors in the international arena. While the importance of studying diaspora politics and their impact has generally been acknowledged, there remains an active debate on the nature and scope of diaspora politics and their actual influence on the global political arena. In this context, this thesis examines how diaspora communities exert influence on foreign policy making towards their home countries. Through an in-depth case study of the Rwandan diaspora living in the Netherlands, it will contribute to the broader field of diaspora politics by generating insights that enhance the understanding of diaspora’s critical roles and political engagement with their host countries. Examining conditions – both attribute-based and contextual factors in the host country – which limit or enhance the diaspora’s ability to exert political agency, provides an understanding of the diaspora’s potential in influencing foreign policy formulation, contextualising them as actors in the global arena. “Show less
It is not groundbreaking that developing countries face totally different challenges to that of advanced economies. Many African countries have long suffered the effects of the ‘one-size-fits-all’...Show moreIt is not groundbreaking that developing countries face totally different challenges to that of advanced economies. Many African countries have long suffered the effects of the ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach taken by the international community regarding different issues such as governance. The aims of this paper are to examine the role ‘Big Men’ play in the shaping of the current ‘good governance’ agenda. More specifically, how Rwanda’s president Paul Kagame defies many of the criticisms neopatrimonial leaders receive regarding their way of doing politics. In spite of not following what is considered as prerequisites in the pursuance of development, he has managed to turn the country into one of the fastest developing nations of the present day, doubling its GDP PPP in less than 10 years. Furthermore, other indicators like the GDI and the HDI also show the striking improvement the country has experienced since the incumbent president assumed office. The combination of neopatrimonial networks of patronage for the creation of rents and his authoritarian style of the ruling has proven effective in the achievement of such rapid growth. He has defied the universal assumptions on the political capabilities of alternatives types of regimes. This thesis proves that the conventional ‘good governance’ needs revision.Show less
The complex nature of peace and security threats demands a profound approach that tackles the problem at its roots. Especially regional conflicts are highly interconnected with many causes and...Show moreThe complex nature of peace and security threats demands a profound approach that tackles the problem at its roots. Especially regional conflicts are highly interconnected with many causes and stakeholders, requiring the right collaborations between local, regional and international institutions. The purpose of this study is to investigate the influence of the African Union as a regional actor versus the United Nations as an international actor in addressing these complex challenges. The underlying motive is to research regional competences, difficulties and possibilities in the role as security actor. To do this, the regional and international response to the militant group Boko Haram in Nigeria is used to provide insight in the different dimensions of this conflict. It is argued that on the one hand, the African Union can act faster and is more relevant in cases of a regional conflict, but on the other hand suffers from a lack of neutrality. Besides this, the amount of resources and authority is limited, and financial means and legitimacy have mainly been provided by the United Nations up until now. Although the extent of influence is difficult to measure, the African Union has the potential to be of more significance and to increase its influence in effectively addressing regional conflicts on the African continent.Show less
This thesis aims to understand how kwaito music constructed the Y-generation’s black sexual identity during the rainbow years (1994-1999) in post-apartheid South Africa. The thesis argues that...Show moreThis thesis aims to understand how kwaito music constructed the Y-generation’s black sexual identity during the rainbow years (1994-1999) in post-apartheid South Africa. The thesis argues that identity is constructed through performativity, as it is an active process of becoming and doing. In order to understand the new discourse of identity in 1994-1999 kwaito music elements of the music group Boom Shaka will be analyzed. These elements create representations of black sexuality, which become the tools through which identity is thus constructed. This construction of identity will lastly been understood in terms of dis-identification, as the process of identity construction through kwaito has a particular political reaction to the history of racial control in South Africa.Show less
An explorative thesis that seeks to understand the extent to which foreign investment leads to economic development in Kenya. Using the Dutch floricultural sector present in Kenya as a case study,...Show moreAn explorative thesis that seeks to understand the extent to which foreign investment leads to economic development in Kenya. Using the Dutch floricultural sector present in Kenya as a case study, its effects on the Kenyan economy in terms of employment, wages, technology transfer and tax revenues are analyzed. While the sector contributes significantly in terms of employment and would arguably not exist without foreign investment, it has thus far failed to significantly improve the lives of its' employees, lead to technology transfers or raise additional tax revenues.Show less
