This thesis adopts a multidisciplinary approach to investigate the role played by droughts in Mozambique to try and assess their impact on the society. More precisely, it reviews the evolution of...Show moreThis thesis adopts a multidisciplinary approach to investigate the role played by droughts in Mozambique to try and assess their impact on the society. More precisely, it reviews the evolution of natural resource management practices in the country from the pre-colonial times to the contemporary period, it analyses actual testimonies coming from inhabitants of Maputo, and it investigates the political and environmental framework set in place by the government. In the end, it is found that there still is a significant gap between the actions which the government plans to implement and the actual social outcome generated by droughts.Show less
In light of recent events and discussions regarding France’s lack of engagement in processes of cultural restitution with Francophone West Africa, this thesis explores whether this noncompliance...Show moreIn light of recent events and discussions regarding France’s lack of engagement in processes of cultural restitution with Francophone West Africa, this thesis explores whether this noncompliance reflects the persistence of French neocolonial relations, notably cultural imperialism. Through the qualitative study of three institutions (namely France’s heritage laws, political sphere and museums), this thesis seeks to call attention to France’s complex apparatus of cultural imperialism. It is argued that these three institutions support the country in maintaining a monopoly over West African cultural heritage, and perpetuate a neocolonial status-quo with the latter region. This paper supplements previous literature on the topic by using postcolonial theory as a common thread throughout the analysis, and inscribes itself in a broader effort to restore a balance between French and West African cultural institutions.Show less
“The maintenance of colonial borders after independence, discriminatory policies and lack of autonomy, are all factors that threaten minorities. Minorities’ cultures, traditions, religions, and...Show more“The maintenance of colonial borders after independence, discriminatory policies and lack of autonomy, are all factors that threaten minorities. Minorities’ cultures, traditions, religions, and languages are endangered within a state where the majority imposes cultural hegemony and implements domestic policies meant to oppress a minority. When its identity is threatened, a minority starts seeking self-determination. The sovereign state can recognize the issue and grant autonomy to the region that seeks for it, through federalism, or it can deny it, increasing the conflict. As a consequence, the last resort for the minority is secession. One example is the case of Zanzibar, the archipelago part of Tanzania. For years Zanzibari have been treated as a minority and as a consequence formed the secessionist movement Uamsho.”Show less
In light of the emerging emphasis within migration studies on how aspirations inform migration trajectories and the integration prospects of migrants, this paper examines how rural-urban migrants’...Show moreIn light of the emerging emphasis within migration studies on how aspirations inform migration trajectories and the integration prospects of migrants, this paper examines how rural-urban migrants’ aspirations relate to integration in contemporary Windhoek, Namibia. The aspirations of five male rural-urban migrants in Windhoek are discussed in semistructured qualitative interviews. Through the application of Paolo Boccagni’s categorization of migrant aspirations into ‘contents,’ ‘relational references,’ and ‘space-time horizons,’ and following the definition of ‘societal integration’ as used by Richard Bränström et al., this paper finds that a significant aspect of Namibian rural-urban migrants’ aspirations is the wish for societal integration. These findings indicate that it is valid to consider issues of integration as relevant for rural-urban migrants in Namibia, and that studying their aspirations can make the identification of different approaches for fostering societal integration possible.Show less
In a time of ongoing conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), rape is frequently mentioned as a weapon of war, a tool strategically employed by armed groups to scatter communities...Show moreIn a time of ongoing conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), rape is frequently mentioned as a weapon of war, a tool strategically employed by armed groups to scatter communities and access natural resources. Sexual and Gender Based Violence (SGBV) is often framed as a Congolese crisis, yet the unrest in the DRC has obvious links to the exploitation of conflict minerals serving a global supply-chain. The brutality and high incidence of SGBV in the DRC is horrifying and appears not to lessen. However, in the midst of corruption, exploitation and inhumane violence, the DRC is marked by people standing up against injustice. This study addresses humanitarian peacebuilding efforts and academic discussions regarding the (in)effective response of local, national and international communities. It goes against a popular discourse depicting women as victims and will examine how women are empowered by bottom-up strategies, focusing on one Grassroots Women’s Initiative in Bukavu: The City of Joy. Two levels of analysis, program-level (organizational structure) and image-level (representation), are used to address the research question: How does City of Joy empower women in the fight against Sexual and Gender-Based Violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo?Show less
Climate change is becoming an increasingly significant global issue. One part of the world has become a particular focus of the possible impacts of this issue : The Sahel. Whilst the contribution...Show moreClimate change is becoming an increasingly significant global issue. One part of the world has become a particular focus of the possible impacts of this issue : The Sahel. Whilst the contribution of the Sahel to climate change is extremely limited, it will nevertheless be the area most impacted by climatic variations. Rising temperatures, longer droughts, more frequent floods and extremer storms are predicted to increasingly jeopardize the security and livelihood of millions of people living in the Sahel. Along with this is the fear that climate change will foster conflict. This thesis will argue that climate change does not directly cause conflict but instead functions as a ‘threat multiplier.’ Mali is used as the specific area of research and the conflicts between the Dogon farmers and Fulani herders will be used as a case study. This research will show how political exclusion, jihadism, forced sedentarism, a corrupt justice system and heavy-handed practices introduced by the colonial regime have been exacerbated by climate change and have consequently led to violent armed conflicts.Show less
The Responsibility to Protect principle assigns states individually and the international community as a whole the duty to protect all peoples against the atrocity crimes: genocide, ethnic...Show moreThe Responsibility to Protect principle assigns states individually and the international community as a whole the duty to protect all peoples against the atrocity crimes: genocide, ethnic cleansing, war crimes and crimes against humanity. To best fulfil this duty, it is important to consider what factors increase the potential for these crimes. In order to examine whether climate change increases the potential for atrocity crimes, this thesis aims to answer the following question: should addressing climate change be regarded as part of the State’s Responsibility to Protect? To this end, it explores how climate change influences the risk for atrocity crimes in Mali and Nigeria. It does so through applying the relevant risk factors and indicators from the United Nations Framework of Analysis for Atrocity Crimes to the current situations in these countries. The analysis shows that climate change does indeed increase the risk for atrocity crimes. It does so indirectly, especially through inducing more resource scarcity and economic hardships. Consequently, this thesis concludes that climate change should be addressed as part of the State’s Responsibility to Protect. It encourages states and the international community to include climate change in their strategies to adhere to this duty.Show less
The necessity for a principle such as the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) emerged in the aftermath of humanitarian catastrophes of the 1990s and the ineffective and partially destructive response...Show moreThe necessity for a principle such as the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) emerged in the aftermath of humanitarian catastrophes of the 1990s and the ineffective and partially destructive response by the international community. R2P represents the notion that states not only have a responsibility to protect their own citizens from atrocity crimes, but due to increasing global interconnectedness have a responsibility to protect citizens worldwide. Furthermore, through R2P, African actors have exemplified shifting power relations, i.e. their growing agency and political, economic, and cultural importance in international relations. This thesis poses the research question, how can ubuntu be used as a framework to understand R2P from an African perspective? This study aims to reacknowledge African agency in the creation and implementation of R2P and the value of a regional and cultural approach, seeing as the literature review reveals that the application of African philosophies to R2P requires further research. To analyze the role of ubuntu principles in R2P, desktop research and document analysis were used. In addition, an interview with Professor Timothy Murithi was conducted. By applying the principles of ubuntu to the responsibilities to prevent, react, and rebuild, this thesis concludes that ubuntu has the potential to increase the legitimate and cohesive implementation of R2P in Africa. Guiding values of ubuntu such as communalism, reciprocity, forgiveness, and communication highlight the humanitarian, ethical aspect of R2P. Furthermore, ubuntu enables a more regional approach to R2P that reacknowledges Africa’s role in international affairs.Show less
This thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the...Show moreThis thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the (pre)colonial era, and the BDP (Botswana Democratic Party) and ZANU(PF) (Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front) in the late colonial and postcolonial period, to identify what particularities in Botswana’s and Zimbabwe’s historical trajectories explain the divergence between the stance of BDP and ZANU(PF) leadership on the decriminalization of same-sex relations (SSR). The Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana started with a similar outlook on SSR, and in both countries, the British colonial administration imposed penal codes that criminalize(d) SSR. Yet, while BDP leadership grew gradually more supportive of the eventual decriminalization of SSR in 2019, ZANU(PF) leadership has strongly opposed to repealing the colonial-era penal codes. The different (de)colonization process and degree of colonial domination in each country appear to have the strongest explanatory power for these diverging outcomes. Many scholars have linked homophobia to masculinity and patriarchy. At the same time, colonial rule is widely believed to have undermined African masculinities and destabilized existing gender roles, and scholars have argued that misogyny, hyper-masculinity, and homophobia in African nationalist movements can be seen as a reaction to feelings of emasculation among African men. Colonial rule was significantly less invasive in Botswana, and the transition to independence mostly peaceful. Resultantly, there was no strong feeling of colonial domination among Botswanans, and anti-(neo)colonial rhetoric had little value as a source of political support. Thus, homosexuality never became conflated with (neo)colonialism in BDP nationalism, because it never centered on anti-(neo)colonialism to begin with. In contrast, Zimbabwe’s invasive colonial experience and arduous independence struggle created a strong sense of colonial domination among male independence leaders, who experienced it as ‘emasculation,’ and used misogyny and homophobia in attempt to restore a position of patriarchal power. At the same time, the rejection of homosexuality became a way to challenge colonial narratives about African sexuality and masculinity that were used to justify their abasement. Resultantly, the conflation of emasculation and homosexuality with colonial subjugation featured prominently in ZANU(PF)’s anti-colonial nationalism. The influence of Fanonesque and Marxist-Leninist thought further deepened homophobic sentiments in ZANU(PF) nationalism, while these schools of thought were absent from BDP nationalism. There is also scholarly consensus that European missionaries played an active role in codifying homosexuality as ‘immoral’ in Africa, and scholars argue that as Christianity became heavily politicized in the region, so did homosexuality. In that sense, homophobia, much like Christianity, is a political tool in contemporary Africa. Limited imposition of colonial rule and Tswana-controlled integration of Christianity may have further limited the inculcation of European (missionary) notions of sexuality and immorality in BDP nationalism. Moreover, unlike BDP nationalism, ZANU(PF) nationalism was organized around anti-colonialism, and this social glue lost its power once independence was achieved. This necessitated the creation of a new common enemy, while socioeconomic underperformance and declining public support incentivized the creation of a scapegoat to deflect criticism. Political homophobia became part of the creation of this new common enemy and scapegoat, and gained its legitimacy from Zimbabwe’s (de)colonization experience. With steady economic development and widespread public support after independence, there was less of an incentive for the BDP to use sexual minorities as a scapegoat.Show less
While female genital mutilation is considered a violation of human rights, it is still widely practised in many countries. With a rate of 21%, Kenya is not one of the countries with the highest...Show moreWhile female genital mutilation is considered a violation of human rights, it is still widely practised in many countries. With a rate of 21%, Kenya is not one of the countries with the highest prevalence rates. Nonetheless, despite the implementation of a law and many policies to prevent it, female genital mutilation is a persistent tradition. It is argued that this is the case due to ineffective implementation of the law and policies. This research investigates the effects that the law and policies implemented by Kenya’s government and non-governmental organisations have affected the conduct of female genital mutilation and influenced local perceptions of it. Through the analysis of existing literature and 9 interviews, it will contribute to the debate about anti-female genital mutilation legislation and strategies by generating insights about their effects in Kenya. Effects of the legislation on the conduct of the practice that are studied are secret conduct of the practice, lowering the age of cutting, medicalisation, and cross-border cutting. Effects on local perceptions of the practice that are highlighted are opposition to legislation, opposition to the practice, social divisions, stigmas, and increased awareness.Show less
