Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
On the 17th of April 2019, Indonesia held the general elections. The President Joko Widodo (“Jokowi”) won 55,5% of the vote, beating the former general Prabowo Subianto representing Gerindra Party...Show moreOn the 17th of April 2019, Indonesia held the general elections. The President Joko Widodo (“Jokowi”) won 55,5% of the vote, beating the former general Prabowo Subianto representing Gerindra Party for the second time, the first in 2014. Less than two weeks after the victory, the re-elected President announced its intention to relocate the nation's capital from Jakarta, located in Java island, to a greenfield site on the island of Kalimantan. In this thesis, I use Twitter communication emanating from the Indonesian Ministry of National Development Planning and the office of the President to dissect the official rationale for this historic initiative and to investigate on the political and ideological discourse surrounding it. What is the Indonesian government trying to achieve through this project? What ideals and political priorities does it reflect? Is there consistency in the official discourse? My analysis is both quantitative and qualitative; it is quantitative because I used large numbers of tweets to measure the frequency which a variety of terms is used to describe both the desirable characteristics of the new capital, and the undesirable aspects of the old one. It is partly qualitative because I investigated and critically reflected on the results found on Twitter to understand better the motifs behind the decision of moving the capital, and be able to answer my research questions. The results show that Jakarta has been abandoned because it does not represent the Indonesian aspirations of modernity, reflected on the smart, sustainable and green imaginaries that the new capital will promote. Indeed, the tweet analysis revealed that these three elements are the most desirable features for the new capital of Indonesia and are the emblem of the type of modernity and progress that the Indonesian government is aspiring to. This is confirmed by the fact that the mentions to smart, green and sustainable are not clear nor justified. These terms appear to be used as buzzwords, almost as if it they were interchangeable. In conclusion, I argue that these features are all instrumental for expressing modernity and progress (Maju). This is the real objective of the government. “The city of dreams”, as I renamed it, imagines a flawless and perfect city, symbol of the progress of the whole country; the truth is that it is only a symbol, and the country will not progress in smartness, greenness, sustainability and equality if not through real policies and measures that tackle the local problems. Besides these attributes, the government claimed that the new capital would bring to more regional equality and economic growth. In this regard, the Indonesian government has also tweeted about Brasilia and its similarities with the new Indonesian capital, praising the design and the outcome of the project; like Brasilia, the new capital is seen as a means to cope with ongoing economic imbalance among the different regions of Indonesia. Although regional equality is, of course, an issue that the government needs to tackle, the increase of GDP outside Java will not benefit the whole population unless there is a real will to tackle inequality not only geographically but also across income groups. Besides, it is essential to remember that the gap between the rich and the poor in Jakarta is substantial and moving the capital will not represent a solution to this problem. Furthermore, the comparison with Brasilia was fundamental to notice a crucial vii paradox in the project of Ibu Kota Baru: by promoting a modern and futuristic capital, Ibu Kota Baru implicitly indicates a refusal of existing conditions of Indonesia, just as like Brasilia did. To conclude, it is important to mention that this thesis is about ideology. In essence, it does not seek to analyse the hidden personal interests and oligarchic business strategies on the project of the capital, although this has been briefly pointed out. The ultimate aim is to dissect the official rhetoric and rationale that surround this project to find the political ideals and desirable features that the project reflects, and inconsistencies in the discourse.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
closed access
With the rapid proliferation of New Confucian studies since the mid 1980s, it has become an unquestioned dogma that one particular event at the beginning of 1958 marks a watershed in the movement’s...Show moreWith the rapid proliferation of New Confucian studies since the mid 1980s, it has become an unquestioned dogma that one particular event at the beginning of 1958 marks a watershed in the movement’s development. This event is the publication of the Manifesto that Mou Zongsan 牟宗三, Tang Junyi唐君毅, Xu Fuguan 徐復觀, and Zhang Junmai 张君劢 co-signed and published almost simultaneously in the two journals Minzhu pinglun民評論 (Democratic Tribune) and Zaisheng再生(National Renaissance) with the title “为中国文化敬告世界人士宣言─我们对中国学术研究及中国文化与世界文前途之共同认识” (Wei Zhongguo wenhua jinggao shijie renshi xuanyan –women dui Zhongguo xueshu yanjiu ji Zhongguo wenhua yu shijiewen qiantu zhi gongtong renshi; translated in English as “A Manifesto on the Reappraisal of Chinese Culture – our Joint Understanding of the Sinological Study relating to World Cultural Outlook.”). Its main purpose is to benefit Western intellectuals in 'aiding them to appreciate Chinese culture'. In order to do so, the authors employ a strategic terminology, which allows them to build a consistent cross-cultural dialogue between Western and Chinese philosophy by means of an unprecedented discourse on 'Chinese Rationalism' (中国心性之学 Zhongguo xinxing zhi xue). Interestingly, the latter is described by the authors as “the essence of Chinese Culture” and, beside its comparative value, it represents the most comprehensive configuration of Confucianism in the context of 20th century. Academic interest in Chinese Studies and Chinese Philosophy should take into account the articulation of Chinese Rationalism in the Manifesto of 1958 as representing a paradigm of post-comparative dialogue that exemplifies the underlying philosophical continuity beyond consistently different traditions of thought.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
closed access
As influential Chinese Constitutionalists, Liang Qichao and Yanfu were the earliest to introduce and interpret Jean-Jacques Rousseau during the late Qing dynasty. They offered most of the...Show moreAs influential Chinese Constitutionalists, Liang Qichao and Yanfu were the earliest to introduce and interpret Jean-Jacques Rousseau during the late Qing dynasty. They offered most of the interpretations of Rousseau’s thought among intellectuals during the late Qing period mainly by writing articles in the late Qing newspapers. This determined Rousseau’s image and interpretations of some modern Western concepts during this time. This thesis will analyze their interpretations of Rousseau and understandings of some modern political concepts in their articles related to Rousseau in the late Qing newspapers. This will be done as a means to decode how Rousseau and some modern political concepts were interpreted by constitutionalists at the beginning of his introduction. On the whole, Liang Qichao experienced two stages in introducing and interpreting Rousseau's thought. In the first stage from the period of 1899 to 1903, Liang Qichao applauded Rousseau’s thought. However, from the 1904 to 1910 period of the second stage, he started to question and even oppose Rousseau’s thought (this was especially after his visit to America in 1904). Differing from Liang Qichao’s perspective, Yanfu criticized Rousseau during the beginning of his contact with The Social Contract. Yanfu denied Rousseau’s thought as "studies without roots" (无根之学). Meanwhile, he further argued that Rousseau's thought was just dangerous fantasies. Under the political crisis of the late Qing government and missions of saving the state, race, and Confucianism of Chinese intellectuals, Yanfu and Liang Qichao, as Constitutionalists, treated the thought of Western thinkers as tools for saving China from the crisis. Although they held different attitudes towards Rousseau in the beginning, they both eventually criticized Rousseau’s thought as both dangerous and unrealistic. In chapter one, research motivations will be proposed. Next, the literature review of the thesis will be discussed, including the literature review on the research of modern Chinese thought, as well as Rousseau’s role in modern Chinese thought. Then, research methods and sources will be addressed. Chapter two proposes two features of Nakae Chōmin’s translation, namely, Nakae Chōmin’s translation in the Chinese historical context and the tendency toward revolution; from fighting against the tyrant to fighting against the monarchy. In chapter three, Liang Qichao’s interpretations of his approval of Rousseau from 1899 to 1903 will be discussed. Later, chapter four argues Liang Qichao and Yanfu’s critiques of Rousseau from the 1904 to 1910 period. Finally, a conclusion of the thesis will be provided.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
closed access
This thesis moves beyond the dichotomy of analyzing normal and abnormal behavior in Japanese education, and shows that individual experiences in education need to be more thoroughly investigated....Show moreThis thesis moves beyond the dichotomy of analyzing normal and abnormal behavior in Japanese education, and shows that individual experiences in education need to be more thoroughly investigated. Being part of formal education means confrontation with existing forms of knowledge that clash with individual social practices. Although there is a strong argument to be made against the ability to practice resistance in an increasingly neo-liberal environment, this thesis shows the opposite. It is possible to differentiate between complete resistance to the expectations that accompany education and more subtle ways of resistance. In fact, all the respondents in this study have shown some form of resistance and consequently, a reconfiguration of individual behavior. This can be resistance to existing language practices, or a complete rejection of anything associated with being Japanese. This thesis shows that there is a space for resistance in Japanese education that extends well beyond teachers’ classroom practices and into students’ individual behavior. Most importantly, the analysis gives a clear example of how resistance against the neo-liberal economization of the individual can be practiced, and is already being practiced in the framework of Japanese education.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
This paper proposes a new perspective to understand the local self-government movement during the late Qing New Policies era. On the one hand, this new perspective moves beyond the common practice...Show moreThis paper proposes a new perspective to understand the local self-government movement during the late Qing New Policies era. On the one hand, this new perspective moves beyond the common practice of interpreting the local self-government movement as failed state efforts to bridle the local elite by enlisting them into bureaucracy, and instead looks at it from the perspective of local society. On the other hand, it emphasizes the relations between local self-government institutions and other contemporaneous professional associations, like the chamber of commerce, education association, agriculture association, and the anti-opium bureau. To facilitate a comprehensive understanding of the local self-government movement, this paper examines the case in Jiaxing from 1905 to 1914. This period witnessed the whole process of the first wave of the local self-government movement from its start and preparation in the last years of the Qing to its abolition by Yuan Shikai in the Republic. A clear understanding of local power structure is indispensable for researching local self-government. Previous scholars generally draw a line between upper-degree elites and lower elites, urban elites and countryside-based elites, suggesting that there were serious conflicts between upper urban elites and lower elites during the local self-government movement. My research on Jiaxing shows provides corrective to this interpretation. Traditional degrees and lineage were still important, but they were no longer major factors for elite to form establishments, seek support, and construct identity. By participating in various professional associations, Jiaxing elites gradually began to organize themselves along with associations and take action in the name of these associations. The emergence of professional associations was a significant political development in modern Chinese history. They performed many local works independently and often advocated for public benefits, local self-government and a constitutional government, either alone or together with other associations. There were numerous examples of the close cooperation between different professional associations and local self-government institutions. It were the members of professional associations who first promoted and dominated the self-government institutions. For the Jiaxing elites, local self-government was merely one among the many organizations for them to participate in local affairs and exert influence. All these linkages and cooperation between different institutions and associations contributed to a power balance in Jiaxing society in the last years of the Qing dynasty. Public management functions were clearly delineated among various associations whose members were mainly New Policies activists who wished to make the country better and stronger by building local society. There were some peasant uprisings, but during this period the urban-rural conflict may not have been essential in Jiaxing. The 1911 Revolution changed this kind of balanced local power structure among local officials, self-government institutions, and professional associations. Magistrates gradually lost their control of local society, while local assemblies and executive boards became the major decision-making institutions in the first years of the Republic. The clearly delineated functions among self-government institutions, professional associations and local governments were disrupted. Eventually in 1914, Yuan Shikai abolished all of the local self-government institutions.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
This thesis makes use of the place-based approach to pilgrimage to investigate the past and present role of the Taipei Tianhou-gong (a temple in the Ximen district of Taipei) as a crossroads of...Show moreThis thesis makes use of the place-based approach to pilgrimage to investigate the past and present role of the Taipei Tianhou-gong (a temple in the Ximen district of Taipei) as a crossroads of pilgrimage. Past approaches to pilgrimage have either been blind to the particularities of pilgrimage across cultures, or placed too much stress on the contested character of pilgrimage sites. My primary aim is to show how the two discourses that informed the Taipei Tianhou-gong in turn in the past, at present do not compete or exclude one another, but rather appear to run parallel. Before the Taipei Tianhou-gong as it stands today was built, the site was home to the Kobo-ji, a temple constructed during the Japanese period that functioned as the headquarters of Shingon Buddhism in colonial Taiwan. The Kobo-ji eventually served as the starting point of a copy of the Shikoku Henro (a 1,200-kilometer-long Japanese pilgrimage circuit) in Taipei. After the Japanese left Taiwan in 1945, the Kobo-ji was remodeled by the Taiwanese and dedicated to the Fujianese sea goddess Mazu. Today, and with the current popularity of the actual Shikoku Henro among the Taiwanese, we see how the Shingon Buddhist heritage of the Taipei Tianhou-gong is in the process of being reactivated. This reactivation presents us with a significant case of a pilgrimage site where meaning is not contested, but which is instead characterized by a parallelism of discourses.Show less
