The economic and financial crisis, Brexit, mass migration, the claim to more sovereignty and the undermining of the fundamental values and the rule of law by some Member States (MS) has led to...Show moreThe economic and financial crisis, Brexit, mass migration, the claim to more sovereignty and the undermining of the fundamental values and the rule of law by some Member States (MS) has led to political unrest within the European Union (EU) in recent years. This has become reason for some political movements (the so-called Eurosceptics) in European countries to question the legitimacy of the EU and to push for more sovereignty for MS and even striving for an EU departure. The question arises whether MS in the EU are substantively questioning the legitimacy of the EU and whether this legitimacy issue is a well-founded topic of discussion in the political debate. This study examines that question by focussing on the case study of the Netherlands and highlights the political developments in the Netherlands regarding the legitimacy of the EU. Regarding the legitimacy of the EU, research was conducted over the period 2009 – 2022 also referred to as the post-Lisbon era. The party programs (2012, 2017 and 2021) of 6 political parties, the debates in the Dutch parliament and the coalition agreements (2012, 2017 and 2022) were studied on topics related to legitimacy of the EU. These categories include, compliance (transparency, compliance with agreements and financial controls), problem-solving capacity (the extent to which and which problems must be solved at European level) and justification (sovereignty and the subsidiarity principle). It is registered which subjects are mentioned and what the position is. The results have been analysed according to the mixed content method. It was concluded that that over time, the debate of legitimacy evolved, and political parties became more critical of the EU’s transparency and democratic legitimacy. At the same time, most parties remained pro-EU and realised that in the problem-solving category, this is with most larger problems only solvable at EU level. In conclusion, from an EU perspective, the developments in the Netherlands are surprisingly positive. Although Dutch politicians remain critical of the decision-making process and the lack of transparency, the believe that staying in the EU is the most positive for the Netherlands is still viable with the majority of the Dutch parliament. This is ultimately positive for the future of the EU.Show less
Gender mainstreaming can alter permanently the vocabulary and imagery of policymaking, making it more inclusive and sensitive to diversity, starting with gender. The disparity between the theory...Show moreGender mainstreaming can alter permanently the vocabulary and imagery of policymaking, making it more inclusive and sensitive to diversity, starting with gender. The disparity between the theory and practice of gender mainstreaming in the European Union (EU) policymaking is well-known and achieving gender equality and inclusion in the EU has not been easy or straightforward. Nevertheless, there are cases of success. This paper attempts to clarify the relationship between various factors (internal and external to the European Parliament) and the integration of gender mainstreaming in the policymaking process of the European Parliament. Some of the factors identified that could contribute to the successful integration of gender mainstreaming were previous experience in gender issues, policy areas where gender problems are relevant, and the influence of external actors. Additional data and research are necessary to assess the real transformative dimension of gender mainstreaming.Show less
The Syrian Refugee Crisis has, since it happened in 2015, reshaped the face of migration in the European continent, marking various responses to how refugees are perceived and how borders need to...Show moreThe Syrian Refugee Crisis has, since it happened in 2015, reshaped the face of migration in the European continent, marking various responses to how refugees are perceived and how borders need to be enforced. EU states are expected to protect the geographical borders that fall under their jurisdiction, while simultaneously being confronted with a large influx of refugees. Investigating a refugee camp in VIAL, Chios through oral interviews conducted with workers who are employed there, this thesis will answer: what is the perception of the impact that refugees living in Chios have, and how is that manifested in border management discourse? To successfully do so, the responses of the workers will be analyzed, as a case study to understand refugees' conditions in Aegean hotspots. In doing so, it also explores what infrastructure is needed to help refugees transition towards becoming parts of the societies in which they have arrived: and even what sort of urban planning needs to be altered to make such an existence plausible. The role that various actors play in VIAL, Chios is presented, along with the limitations and pitfalls of what they can do for the populations residing there. Competing narratives on the migration debate are presented, as well as the ambivalent notions of “refugee integration” and “border management.”Show less
In recent years, the European Commission’s trade policy strategy shifted from the multilateral system towards a more bilateral approach with the new generation FTAs. Furthermore, the strategy...Show moreIn recent years, the European Commission’s trade policy strategy shifted from the multilateral system towards a more bilateral approach with the new generation FTAs. Furthermore, the strategy shifted the underlying incentives for trade from solely economic interests towards an approach that embraced more normative goals, for example standards for environmental and labor market issues. Within the literature, the debate regarding the nature of the EU’s trade policy contemplates this dilemma and seeks to clarify how Trade and Sustainable Development chapters function within trade policy. The dilemma is what has been described within the literature as the norms versus interests debate. Within this debate, the concepts of Normative Power Europe and Market Power Europe play a central role in defining the identity of the EU’s power. Both concepts have been incorporated within studies into the role of norms and economic incentives within the EU’s foreign policy. A large share of these studies agrees that within trade policy, norms are subordinate to economic incentives. The push for a more normative agenda, however, is gaining traction within the EU and has led to more attention from various actors for normative arguments. In recent years, the mobilization of actors and institutional changes in the process have given more weight to the normative argument. This thesis is thus researching how a more recent agreement has been influenced by this process: the EU-Vietnam free trade agreement. In this case study, it will become evident that the extent to which norms are being incorporated in FTAs and the degree of effectiveness of their enforcement is rather absent. The EP and NGOs voiced concerns regarding human and labor rights at various stages during the process. This led to the Commission developing alternate initiatives to address human rights issues within Vietnam, such as a roadmap within which the Vietnamese committed to ratify conventions of the International Labour Organisation. However, the roadmap is not enforceable through the FTA and other enforcement tools remain relatively weak within the eventual agreement. The conclusion can be drawn that there have been attempts to influence the Commission’s normative agenda through various institutional channels. These attempts at influencing the process might have set a precedent for future FTAs that might become more effective compared to this case.Show less
In a changing world where the global strategic hegemony of the United States can no longer be taken for granted, could the EU rise to the occasion as a non-traditional world power and effectively...Show moreIn a changing world where the global strategic hegemony of the United States can no longer be taken for granted, could the EU rise to the occasion as a non-traditional world power and effectively influence security situations in its periphery? Using the South China Sea situation as an example, I will argue that first, the EU needs to mend internal divisions and construct a detailed foreign policy, supported by all its Member States.Show less
The EU has not succeeded in developing a uniform approach in response to the exceptionally high number of asylum seekers entering Europe. Instead, the EU’s recent handling of irregular migration...Show moreThe EU has not succeeded in developing a uniform approach in response to the exceptionally high number of asylum seekers entering Europe. Instead, the EU’s recent handling of irregular migration has been marked by unilateral action, mutual accusations and political deadlock. Moreover, the European migration crisis of 2015 has demonstrated that the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is unable to handle migratory pressure and actually stimulates secondary movements. However, the current East-West divide prevents the emergence of any meaningful compromise that would allow the CEAS to be successfully reformed. For this reason, the question examined by this thesis is whether the CEAS can be reformed through using differentiation and if so, how and to what extent this would be possible. In order to answer this question, three topics surrounding EU asylum and migration policy are discussed, i.e. Schengen, external border management and the relocation program. The analysis of this thesis concludes that differentiation cannot be applied to Schengen and is not required to enhance external border management because of an emerging consensus. Still, differentiation does have the potential to improve the functioning of the relocation program but this would require member states to centralize their asylum policies, something that is unlikely to happen in the near future. Even so, a coalition of the willing should aim to reform the CEAS into a centralized EU asylum system because only then will the EU be able to effectively control high levels of irregular migration into Europe.Show less
The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the importance of the role of media platforms encountered in cultural diplomacy of the European Union. By looking closely into the case of Helan Online...Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is to analyze the importance of the role of media platforms encountered in cultural diplomacy of the European Union. By looking closely into the case of Helan Online Platform at the Radio Nederland Wereldomroep, hereafter known as the RNW Media in the Netherlands, what this thesis aims to explore are the potential positive impacts brought by media in terms of European Union cultural policies and the necessity of the EU to apply media platforms to its cultural relations with other countries. The analyses touch upon the following questions: (1) What is the definition of cultural diplomacy and why is it an significant part in foreign policies? (2) How far have China and major European countries developed in cultural diplomacy during the past decade and how is the cultural relation between them? (3) In the context of information age, why and how does the EU need to incorporate social media into its strategy to improve its cultural diplomacy towards China? These and other sub-questions will be investigated on the basis of existing academic literatures and the archived information from RNW Media.Show less
Using case studies on Armenia and Moldova, this thesis contributes to the already rich body of literature that situates the position of the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus in...Show moreUsing case studies on Armenia and Moldova, this thesis contributes to the already rich body of literature that situates the position of the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus in their relations with the European Union and Russia. This thesis evidences a noticeable shift in emphasis in the European Union’s primary documents relating to the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Partnership after the Georgia/Russia war in 2008. After this war, the European Union’s ‘common values,’ more widely known as liberal values, become focal. Effectively, this emphasis on common vales has further distanced the European Union and Russia, an authoritarian state which has recently taken a ‘conservative turn.’ This widening distance between the EU and Russia has made existing between the two actors more difficult for the countries trapped in the in-between.Show less
