"At the end of the Second World War, the French territory was ravaged. France suffered a humiliating defeat in 1940; however, it managed (thanks to the allies) to end up in the side of victors....Show more"At the end of the Second World War, the French territory was ravaged. France suffered a humiliating defeat in 1940; however, it managed (thanks to the allies) to end up in the side of victors. Nonetheless, France desperately needed American aid to rebuild itself in order not to fall in the Soviet orbit. In the first years of the Cold War, the fourth Republic seemed to have traded the American military umbrella for an independent foreign policy. Moreover, the birth of NATO in 1949 appeared first to unify the West against the Soviet threat. Nevertheless, tensions between France and the United States were already rising. Their main issue concerned the decolonization, but the number of problems involved would only increase with time. Those tensions would, indirectly, bring the downfall of the fourth Republic and, ironically, bring back De Gaulle to power. President De Gaulle would, in the first four years of his term, remain close to the United States, despite some divergences with the American administration. The end of the decolonization process ended a burden for France, freed the French ambitions. The policy of "Grandeur" was launched. The French and the Americans would have, in the years following 1962, significant divergences which would almost ruin the dialogue between the two countries".Show less
The European Union (EU) imports Genetically Modified (GM) Staple Crops (SC) for animal feed and to be used in food chain production. GM SC are imported mostly from the United States, Canada, Brazil...Show moreThe European Union (EU) imports Genetically Modified (GM) Staple Crops (SC) for animal feed and to be used in food chain production. GM SC are imported mostly from the United States, Canada, Brazil and Argentina. However, this is generally not public knowledge. This is partly due to EU policy on the cultivation of GM being highly regulated. Hence the belief of some that the EU is a GM-free zone. On a global perspective, the EU is one of the most conservative users of GM. One could talk of a European culture of anti-GM. For some, this culture has been intervening with science and has been prospering misinformation and mystification of GM. This has been argued to put Food Security, Safety and Sustainability at risk. Hence, the current model of Agricultural Policy in the EU is not Responsible. It is therefore important to deconstruct the culture that has formed around GM in the EU to be able to understand the discourse narrative and to analyse the decision to not cultivate but import GM SC.Show less
This thesis will focus on the area of Europe and the connection between European food culture(s) and European identity will be discussed. There are two cases studies in this thesis. The first case...Show moreThis thesis will focus on the area of Europe and the connection between European food culture(s) and European identity will be discussed. There are two cases studies in this thesis. The first case study will examine why Europeans’ preferences and standards of choosing what to eat are different from other cultures such as the United States and how the food choice has an influence on European identity. The second case will focus on how the Slow Food movement has risen in Europe under Globalization, and furthermore, how food culture contributes to building and enhancing European identity.Show less
The theory of objectification, which regards the visual representation of women, and occasionally men, sheds light on many current debates concerning the sexist portrayal of the female gender in...Show moreThe theory of objectification, which regards the visual representation of women, and occasionally men, sheds light on many current debates concerning the sexist portrayal of the female gender in modern society. Such debates shift from analysing the role women are bound to hold within society, to the way they are portrayed through different types of media, such as television. In my research I will analyse the way women are often depicted in society, especially through media, and how this affects their political integration. To do so I will focus on the role Berlusconi played in the representation of Italian women, not only through his leadership as Italian Prime Minister, in which he remained for two decades, but also due to his role as media tycoon.Show less
Non-formal education has been used to reduce social exclusion and support the full development of European youth since the late 1980s. This paper explores the renewed youth policy around the...Show moreNon-formal education has been used to reduce social exclusion and support the full development of European youth since the late 1980s. This paper explores the renewed youth policy around the European Solidarity Corps, a volunteering program that uses experiential learning in support of youth employability, especially for youngsters with fewer opportunities. Awareness, access, and competences are the main variables discussed here that influence youth employability in these non-formal learning contexts. A short ethnography of Olde Vechte Foundation gives a peek into the practical experience of the youth workers and volunteers on the field in The Netherlands. This supports the view of experiential learning as a context and a competence in European youth work today.Show less
The Troubles in Northern Ireland from 1968 until 1998 meant changing situations for women in Northern Irish society. Nonetheless, for many women the extent of change depended on which community...Show moreThe Troubles in Northern Ireland from 1968 until 1998 meant changing situations for women in Northern Irish society. Nonetheless, for many women the extent of change depended on which community they were part of. Women in nationalist/republican communities were more involved in all levels of society than their unionist/loyalist counterparts. This also manifested itself in the paramilitaries. The republican paramilitaries included more women and these women were active in a greater variety of roles than the women active in loyalist paramilitaries. The main reason given for this in academia is that republicanism is a more inclusive ideology with wider social goals than loyalism. This thesis analysed, using discourse analysis, party manifestos and conferences of the main unionist/loyalist and nationalist/republican parties in Northern Ireland during the Troubles to investigate whether this argument also extends to politics. In short, to analyse whether the republican/nationalist parties were more inclusive of women's issues than unionist/loyalist parties. The research found that unionist/loyalist parties generally tended to be less inclusive of women's issues than nationalist/republican ones, but there was one outlier: the loyalist Progressive Unionist Party, which included a wide variety of women's issues, more so than all nationalist/republican parties. Thus, this thesis concludes that the argument of republicanism as a more inclusive ideology extends to politics to some extent.Show less
There is a decisively limited amount of attention paid in English scholarship towards the lived experience of the 1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia by the citizens of Belgrade. Even more so, there is...Show moreThere is a decisively limited amount of attention paid in English scholarship towards the lived experience of the 1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia by the citizens of Belgrade. Even more so, there is a very little amount of scholarly examination of the series of concerts held by the city council of Belgrade in response to the bombings, titled “Song Has Kept Us” (Pesma Nas Je Održala), and the intriguing manner in which they contributed to the political landscape of Yugoslavia under the Milošević era. This thesis aims to address this gap in the literature to highlight the value of cultural production to Slobodan Milošević’s regime by uncovering the fascinating way in which stylistic and sonic choices regarding the concerts and the historical context in which the concerts took shape helped produce a desired political meaning and identity that benefited the state. I will argue that these concerts were organized in such a way to promote unity and nationalism amongst the Yugoslavian people, cultivate resistance against NATO forces, and advance a historical narrative that depicted Yugoslavia (or Serbs) as the innocent and just victims of aggression despite strong (Western) criticism of military and police violence in Kosovo and, previously, the Yugoslav wars. It appears convincing that the political outcomes of the concerts were meant to directly or indirectly contribute to upholding state hegemony in Yugoslavia. The series of concerts are discussed within the context of Belgrade as an arena of sonic warfare, wherein the concerts counteracted NATO sonic booms that were meant to weaken morale and induce fear. Although the relationship of music to politics is traditionally recognized for music’s utility as a method of resistance against the political status quo, the series of concerts illustrate how these same qualities can be utilized by the state to maintain support whilst uplifting the people. The case will hence illustrate how state-organized concerts can act as a powerful political weapon amid international conflict.Show less
The German energy transition (Energiewende) is fuelled by a distrust towards nuclear power, foreign energy dependency and climate change. This paper assesses the media representation of the German...Show moreThe German energy transition (Energiewende) is fuelled by a distrust towards nuclear power, foreign energy dependency and climate change. This paper assesses the media representation of the German Energiewende, especially how the use of framing and narrative could influence public opinion on the matter. The analysis which aids to this goal is foucauldian discourse analysis.Show less
This thesis aimed to apply new social movement (NSM) theory on the ongoing yellow vests movement in France. These set of theories claim that collective action from the 1960’s onwards represents a...Show moreThis thesis aimed to apply new social movement (NSM) theory on the ongoing yellow vests movement in France. These set of theories claim that collective action from the 1960’s onwards represents a radical shift away from materialist-driven, class-based social movements of decades prior. NSM theory states that modern collective action focuses more on cultural and societal issues, highlights the decline in importance of class, particularly the working-class, as well as the considerable distance from existing political systems. However, the highly-charged and seemingly material-based yellow vests movement, with its muddled and messy message of systematic change represents a noticeable shift away from this theoretical paradigm. Thus, this thesis concluded that NSM theory is becoming increasingly inadequate in explaining this type of collective action.Show less
This thesis offers a qualitative descriptive analysis to explain what drivers affect the development of Euroscepticism within the Conservative Party (UK) between 1990 and 2016. Three drivers are...Show moreThis thesis offers a qualitative descriptive analysis to explain what drivers affect the development of Euroscepticism within the Conservative Party (UK) between 1990 and 2016. Three drivers are found to have enormous impact on Conservative Euroscepticism. These are as follows: inner party divide, radical right threat and issue salience within party strategy. The Conservatives became increasingly divided over European integration throughout the time frame. Through the attempts to mend this divide by Conservative leaders, most importantly John Major and David Cameron, they increasingly adopted harsher Eurosceptic policies to please their pro/anti EU divided party. UKIP, a radical right party, experienced electoral success throughout the time frame, which is seen as a threat towards the Conservatives, and thus a driver of Conservative Euroscepticism. Lastly, UKIP’s success largely interplays with issue salience. This thesis sees issue salience as a driver of Conservative Euroscepticism, as both parties adopted shifts in political strategy in order to compete for electoral success in light of EU issue salience. All three factors interplay; meaning the one affects the other.Show less
In order to add to the academic and societal debate on Salafism, this thesis will approach the topic of Salafism in the Netherlands from both a philosophical and a political perspective through the...Show moreIn order to add to the academic and societal debate on Salafism, this thesis will approach the topic of Salafism in the Netherlands from both a philosophical and a political perspective through the question “To what extent are Salafi’s rejecting Dutch Enlightenment ideals and does this weaken these ideals in society?”. Instead of focusing on the possible jihadi/terrorist threat Salafism might pose, like most previous research on European Salafism, the stances of Salafi’s on Dutch society will be analysed, and what effect this has on society. This will be done through researching the representation of Enlightenment values in Dutch political manifesto’s before and after the rise of Salafism in the Netherlands.. The thesis concludes that Salafism is a largely diverse group which rejects Enlightenment values to various degrees. Furthermore it concludes that Salafism has strengthened these Enlightenment ideals in the Netherlands, as the political manifesto’s represent Enlightenment values in a much stronger manner after the rise of Dutch Salafism.Show less
Nationalism, Euroscepticism and populism are intertwined concepts in many Western European political parties. Discourse reveals the relationship between nationalism and Euroscepticism to be the...Show moreNationalism, Euroscepticism and populism are intertwined concepts in many Western European political parties. Discourse reveals the relationship between nationalism and Euroscepticism to be the adherence of discursive rules based on Kohn’s dichotomy. The political parties PVV and UKIP are discursively analysed, resulting in an illustration of their reasoning justified by xenophobia, ethno-cultural homogeneity and Western-centrism through populist language.Show less
The British Conservative party’s initiation of the 2016 EU Referendum reflects a drastic change in the party’s attitude towards integration, contrasting greatly with the views it once held in 1973...Show moreThe British Conservative party’s initiation of the 2016 EU Referendum reflects a drastic change in the party’s attitude towards integration, contrasting greatly with the views it once held in 1973 when the Conservative party led the United Kingdom into the EU. Contemporary literature surrounding the growth of Euroscepticism within British political parties has largely maintained a focus on present-day and future developments, though little exploration has been conducted surrounding its historical maturation within the Conservative party, specifically asking why and how the Tories experienced a gradual shift towards an anti-integrationist attitude from the 1970s onwards. Consequently, this paper will seek to further more effectively understand why the Conservative party’s attitude towards European integration has lacked a high degree of consistency over time.Show less
The thesis reviews three explanatory models (game theory, performativity, and asymmetry) that are used to explain the different outcomes of the state-domestic terrorist group interactions in West...Show moreThe thesis reviews three explanatory models (game theory, performativity, and asymmetry) that are used to explain the different outcomes of the state-domestic terrorist group interactions in West-Germany and The Netherlands during the 1970s. The thesis highlights the relevance of explanations that discuss the factor of asymmetry.Show less
In the last decade the European Union was caught by surprise by the large number of individuals wanting to enter its borders, seeking asylum. The EU did not have the necessary legislation,...Show moreIn the last decade the European Union was caught by surprise by the large number of individuals wanting to enter its borders, seeking asylum. The EU did not have the necessary legislation, infrastructures, or personnel needed to adequately control and accommodate those migrating into the EU. The thesis will analyse the legislation and policies concerning immigration implemented by the EU in order to deal with this large influx of migrants. It will, additionally, take into account the human rights of refugees and asylum seekers and whether the EU is neglecting these when prioritising security in the making of its policies.Show less
After the Eurozone crisis, the problem rooted in the Spanish political system exposed and the population wanted to create an alternative democracy to replace the dominant one, a series of social...Show moreAfter the Eurozone crisis, the problem rooted in the Spanish political system exposed and the population wanted to create an alternative democracy to replace the dominant one, a series of social movements were initiated afterwards. This thesis aims to deliver an analysis regarding the influence of using cyberspace in a contemporary social movement, Acampada Sol (Occupying La Puerta del Sol). By applying the "Imagined Community" theory from Benedict Anderson, I found that the changing material condition and technological development would affect the way people participate in the social movement. Looking at the application of the latest online technology, Acampada Sol demonstrates a new way of doing social movements.Show less
