Since the start of the European debt crisis in 2010, there have been signs of decreasing faith in the European Union. In this text, an effort is made to determine if there is a relationship between...Show moreSince the start of the European debt crisis in 2010, there have been signs of decreasing faith in the European Union. In this text, an effort is made to determine if there is a relationship between the worsening economic situation in European Union member states, and the rise of Euroscepticism in the last decade. The research examines three of the countries that were the most severely damaged by the European debt crisis: Ireland, Portugal, and Greece, and analyzes the trends of Euroscepticism in surveys and election results, comparing these trends to the respective economic situations. The research shows that while the crisis appears to have affected Euroscepticism to an extent, but also suggests that this is primarily a resurgence of latent Euroscepticism, present in Greece.Show less
During the Second World War, around 11 million Slavs have been systematically murdered by Nazi forces in a war of extermination in Eastern Europe. Part of Generalplan Ost, the extermination was...Show moreDuring the Second World War, around 11 million Slavs have been systematically murdered by Nazi forces in a war of extermination in Eastern Europe. Part of Generalplan Ost, the extermination was aimed not just at forcing Slavs into slave labour, but at physically exterminating big parts of the Slavic people. These murders were planned by the Nazi leaders. Although the Second World War and its horrors are a big part of our contemporary society, the genocide on the Slavs has been kept remarkably silent.Show less
This thesis will challenge the traditional “Stylist Model” of FDI, which asserts that political risk does not impact the movement of FDI. In the following chapters, it will be demonstrated that...Show moreThis thesis will challenge the traditional “Stylist Model” of FDI, which asserts that political risk does not impact the movement of FDI. In the following chapters, it will be demonstrated that political risk is a common deterrent of FDI, as it prevents capital from transferring from developed economies to developing economies (Méon, Khalid 2012, 2194). FDI inflows react to “transaction cost of investments”, meaning that investors will only move their capital overseas if they can receive a positive return on investment (OECD 2001; Mengistu et al., 2011). This highlights the importance of low political risk when attempting to attract foreign investment, as elements of political risk such as corruption and rule of law can raise transaction costs, lowering return on investment. In order for Southeast Asian nations to create stable investment environments for foreign capital, a deeper understanding on the relationship between FDI and political risk is required. The World Bank developed six indicators to measure political risk: (1) Voice and accountability, (2) Political stability and absence of violence, (3) Government effectiveness, (4) Regulatory quality, (5) Rule of law, and (6) Control of corruption. In order to successfully direct economic policy in Southeast Asia, the specific effect each indicator has on FDI must be realised. This allows for the research question: How does political risk impact FDI flows into Southeast Asia?Show less
In the European debate on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) there has been little success in the achievement of a Union-wide security strategy. This sensitive area of national defense...Show moreIn the European debate on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) there has been little success in the achievement of a Union-wide security strategy. This sensitive area of national defense and security causes member states to rely on their own resources and capabilities in this field. The European Network and Infrastructure Security Agency (ENISA) was created in 2004. This agency gained more responsibilities and opportunities when their mandates were extended. Working in the field of cybersecurity, the Agency offers advice to member states on a voluntary basis, and works closely with industries in the private sector. As recent as December 2018, ENISA has the possibility to legislate in the field of common security. Does this Agency cautiously open the door to a Union with a Common Security Policy? As we will see there is an inevitable political influence of the Agency which underlines its relevance in the CFSP debate.Show less
Populism is becoming more and more a predominant political phenomenon with several European countries. Many are the debates concerning the real nature of populism, its political affiliation, agenda...Show morePopulism is becoming more and more a predominant political phenomenon with several European countries. Many are the debates concerning the real nature of populism, its political affiliation, agenda and particular features. Although there is not a comprehensive and clear definition of populism yer, many scholars have proposed a set of themes aimed at grouping populist parties according to some specific characteristics. One of these themes is Euroscepticism. Indeed, common understanding refers to populist parties as profoundly Eurosceptic. However, this thesis argues that populist parties are not intrinsically Eurosceptic, rather their Euroscepticism depends on their intrinsic need to create an adversary, an enemy to combat that can take countless forms as the European Union. This thesis investigates one example, the Italian populist 'League' party, which has recently achieved an important electoral victory. The party's ambiguous rhetoric and agenda will be considered. This in order to highlight the natural behaviour of the League, always keen on identifying one enemy to battle per time. Three are the periods taken into consideration and, accordingly, three are the enemies upon which they have focused their agenda: the southerners, the European Union and the Immigrant.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to assess to what extent the Alternative für Deutschland has been consistent in the positions taken in the party programme since its founding. Understanding the...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to assess to what extent the Alternative für Deutschland has been consistent in the positions taken in the party programme since its founding. Understanding the consistency of the AfD could help to better apprehend the rise of the party. Indeed, if we were to uncover that the AfD is consistent in its positions, the latter positions would be the basis for further analysis to explain its success, whereas an inconsistent discourse could in itself point to a strategy to please the voters depending on public debate and polls concerning German feelings towards hot issues.Show less
This paper researches four possible explanations that might explain why some member states reacted stricter to the migration crisis than others. This is done by setting up three indicators which...Show moreThis paper researches four possible explanations that might explain why some member states reacted stricter to the migration crisis than others. This is done by setting up three indicators which determine the level to which a member state has become stricter or more lenient with regards to migration policy. These three indicators are admission rates, family reunification, and forced returns. By using that data, the paper assesses whether right-wing populist parties, economic performance, public opinion and the close proximity of elections are possible explanations for different policy responses by European Member States. The presence of right-wing populist parties correlates with stricter migration policies, but the other three explanations do not show any correlation with stricter migration policies.Show less
The EU is per se, not an obstacle to the empowerment of migrant women and especially not deliberately so. On the contrary, EU and UN initiatives, such as UNIFEM and UN women, function as an...Show moreThe EU is per se, not an obstacle to the empowerment of migrant women and especially not deliberately so. On the contrary, EU and UN initiatives, such as UNIFEM and UN women, function as an instrument in which women can claim their rights. However, there are shortcomings in the current legal framework regarding women in migration that can and ought to be improved. First, the contextual and relational nature of gender-based discrimination remains unacknowledged. Second, treating all migrant women as universally vulnerable leads to the marginalization of the subgroup. Third, the EU guidelines are non-binary and do therefore not ensure gender equal treatment and furthermore gender is only an addition to the existing legal framework, which treats women as ‘exceptional’ and not as a part of the main assumption. Fourth, the EU lacks empowering instruments for migrant women. These challenges must be addressed if the EU wishes to fulfill its normative role of ensuring gender equality in migration.Show less
The future tends to be determined by the legacies of the past. The transition of the eastern European countries, from abolishing Communism to adopting Democracy, suggests just that. These countries...Show moreThe future tends to be determined by the legacies of the past. The transition of the eastern European countries, from abolishing Communism to adopting Democracy, suggests just that. These countries bared traits of their previous un-democratic regimes that have contributed to the democratization process. The relevance of this statement will be analyzed throughout this study, by looking at two specific cases from Eastern Europe which are characterized as successful democratic transitions, namely Poland and the Czech Republic. Despite the relatively similar international and domestic state of affairs prior to the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the newly emerged regimes took different trajectories towards the implementation of democracy. This raises the discussion on the causal variables behind the rather distinctive paths towards democratization, which is argued here to be attributed to the historical legacies of the countries.Show less
The lobbying for federalism in Europe has a long history with many associated movements. One of the oldest federalist initiatives is the Paneuropean Union (PEU), formally established in 1924. A...Show moreThe lobbying for federalism in Europe has a long history with many associated movements. One of the oldest federalist initiatives is the Paneuropean Union (PEU), formally established in 1924. A later addition to the lobby movements was the Union of European Federalists (UEF), which was established in 1946. So far, no federal Europe has been established, and with recent events such as the Brexit this goal seems farther away than ever. Does this lack of success then mean a failure of the decades of federalist movements and lobbying? The PEU and UEF have been researched on three components, namely: ideology, membership and organization structure, and lastly, envisioned federal structure. Ideology-wise, the PEU and UEF had a very different base; the PEU founding ideology could be described as conservative with strong nationalistic elements, while the UEF had a background in socialism and communism, with a strong opposition towards nationalism. Research on membership also shows a large difference between the PEU and UEF. The PEU gained much attention with attracting many notable individuals in the realm of politicians, industrialists and nobility, such as Benito Mussolini and Otto von Hapsburg. The PEU’s following then was rather small and elitist. Contrary to this, the UEF had a much larger following since its inception. Lastly, on the topic of structure, both organizations remained relatively vague on the exact execution, but both agreed on sole military rights for the European federal government or a proposed economic unity. Concluding, although the direct initiatives of the federalist movements might have failed, the reasons for which they considered federalism necessary have to a large degree been successful. Not to mention, the continued attention for federalism, which has led to these movements’ being discussed decades after the factShow less
This thesis paper contributes to the academic debate on how the Assault Weapons Ban effected mass shootings. It concludes that the ban had no proven effect on the frequency of mass shootings and...Show moreThis thesis paper contributes to the academic debate on how the Assault Weapons Ban effected mass shootings. It concludes that the ban had no proven effect on the frequency of mass shootings and the amount of victims in a mass shooting.Show less
It this thesis I intend to unveil the constructed nature of the Austrian post-war identity narratives and the consequences they continue to have today. I will investigate how, after the Second...Show moreIt this thesis I intend to unveil the constructed nature of the Austrian post-war identity narratives and the consequences they continue to have today. I will investigate how, after the Second World War, the conferment of the political neutrality status enabled Austria to reinvent its national identity and withdraw from war guilt. The constructed narratives consist of elements from the history of its imperial and pre-war cultural past. These continue to prevail and despite the emergence of a counter-narrative.Show less
