The EU has a policy of 'critical engagement' with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. This policy mixes attempts at political dialogue, aimed at achieving stability in the Korean Peninsula,...Show moreThe EU has a policy of 'critical engagement' with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. This policy mixes attempts at political dialogue, aimed at achieving stability in the Korean Peninsula, with a strong sanctions policy to deter the regime from developing its nuclear programme. However, this policy has delivered few results since its inception in the mid-2000s. By drawing on theories of EU actorness, critical engagement is analysed in this thesis in order to determine the extent to which the EU should - and could - reconsider its current approach. While the EU's options in this conflict are limited, the thesis finds that a re-evaluation of critical engagement is overdue, and that the EU has available, though difficult, avenues through which it can renew its approach to North Korea.Show less
This thesis analyses the development of Nordic cooperation in the Arctic and the reasons behind this development. It argues that Nordic cooperation has played an important role in the policy areas...Show moreThis thesis analyses the development of Nordic cooperation in the Arctic and the reasons behind this development. It argues that Nordic cooperation has played an important role in the policy areas of security and defence, and regional development. Regarding security and defence, NORDEFCO has complemented the limits of NATO in providing the Nordics with security guarantees and involving partners in the North Cap region, in order to respond to the growing Russian threat. Regarding regional development, the NCM and other Nordic venues have established an elaborate policy framework for addressing transnational issues, coordinating intra-Nordic cooperation and cooperation with other Arctic actors, and managing and implementing EU funding programmes. Through this, Nordic cooperation has fulfilled an important role in complementing and supplementing various shortcomings of EU and NATO Arctic policies. Nordic cooperation is analysed as a form of sub-regionalism, which has allowed for a nuanced, realistic understanding of the functioning of Nordic cooperation in the Arctic, in relation to the national and regional level. Through this, this thesis has contributed to strengthening the nexus between the scholarship on Nordic cooperation and sub-regionalism. The analysis consists primarily of a document analysis of the Nordic Arctic strategies and policy documents of the Nordic institutions, combined with elements of (comparative) institutional analysis and a semi-structured interview.Show less
This paper examines the recurrence of three main views on disability in policy-making to understand general discourses and perspectives affecting (disability) employment policies and societal...Show moreThis paper examines the recurrence of three main views on disability in policy-making to understand general discourses and perspectives affecting (disability) employment policies and societal mindset. The most similar case study of Flanders and the Netherlands, combining critical discourse and thematic (content) analysis on plenary debates, demonstrates that the view of disability as an individual’s issue rather than a society’s responsibility was commonplace. Particularly in the case of the Netherlands. Nonetheless, the social and human rights models also re-occurred. Therefore, it illustrates how employment policies affecting individuals with disabilities consist of a mixture of views and goals, which entangle in practice and policies.Show less
This thesis analyzes legislative and discursive approaches of the Civic platform-led (2007 – 2015) and the PiS-led (2015 – 2020) governments while also linking those approaches to the European...Show moreThis thesis analyzes legislative and discursive approaches of the Civic platform-led (2007 – 2015) and the PiS-led (2015 – 2020) governments while also linking those approaches to the European level. It shows that LGBT rights have become politicized at both the European and the national level in Poland. The EU both discursively and legislatively supports LGBT rights while alleging its (pro-LGBT) values that are both universal and European apparently leading it to be an example around the world. Therefore, the pro-EU governments in Poland were clearly more pro-EU. The Civic Platform-led government, as a generally pro-EU government, was hesitant to politicize LGBT rights because of its sensitiveness. However, through the years its discourse and policy towards LGBT rights became more explicit in supporting LGBT rights. On the other hand, the PiS-led government was highly critical of LGBT rights while using its opposition to LGBT rights as a tool to campaign. Its stance on LGBT rights exemplifies its ambiguous position vis-à-vis Europe; while asserting a European identity and favoring EU membership, the government rejects some the EU’s core values. Overall, this thesis argues that the politicization of LGBT rights can be both beneficial and harmful for LGBT people. The danger of politicization though, is that LGBT rights could be used to further political ends rather than being primarily concerned with the well-being of those people.Show less
As a political, economic, and social power in the world, the European Union (EU) plays a decisive role in the global transition to an energy system fully based on renewable energies. However,...Show moreAs a political, economic, and social power in the world, the European Union (EU) plays a decisive role in the global transition to an energy system fully based on renewable energies. However, despite the EU's commitments and current ambitions on the path towards its overarching and long-term goal of climate neutrality by 2050, its efforts in renewable energy deployment, in particular solar and wind energy, remain insufficient. Moreover, its member states continue to show largely diverging progress in this process, even rather similar states such as Denmark and the Netherlands. More specifically, while the former is widely considered as a forerunner in the energy transition, the latter continues to lag far behind compared to most other EU member states. Against this background, this study analyzed which barriers and drivers impede or facilitate the implementation of solar and wind energy in the two countries, determined the decisive factors for their differences in progress, as well as examined how existing challenges can be overcome in order to accelerate this process in the future. To this end, relevant stakeholders of both countries were questioned by the use of a qualitative questionnaire, whose responses were then analyzed in a qualitative content analysis. The results demonstrate that although similar barriers and drivers currently influence the deployment of solar and wind energy in Denmark and the Netherlands, three factors account for their differences, including the different extent of the political focus, the diverging degree and quality of coordination, as well as the different scale of public resistance. Nevertheless, as greater efforts are required by both countries, for the purpose of overcoming existing challenges in order to accelerate the deployment of solar and wind energy in the future, each of them is generally recommended to increase the political focus, to improve coordination, and to strengthen public support. Moreover, they are advised to especially tackle the identified four main barriers, including the slow and complex procedures, in particular with regard to the permitting of solar and wind energy projects, public opposition, the lack of skilled workforce, and current system constraints due to insufficient grid capacity. In the face of climate change, rising energy demand, and increasing geopolitical conflicts, including war on the continent of Europe, this would not only enable the two countries to achieve and even exceed current ambitions, but would also allow the EU to take the path towards a more sustainable, secure, and peaceful future.Show less
Few policy areas are as closely guarded by the member states of the European Union as their foreign policy. This is visible on the EU-level, in the Common Foreign and Security Policy and its...Show moreFew policy areas are as closely guarded by the member states of the European Union as their foreign policy. This is visible on the EU-level, in the Common Foreign and Security Policy and its individual policies, as the CFSP is considered to be a salient example of intergovernmentalism’s hold on aspects of EU policy-making. However, there have been some examples of small states influencing EU foreign policy. Malta is a relevant object for this study, as it is undoubtedly a small state. This makes it an interesting case study, as it, nonetheless, has clearly defined interests in the Southern neighbourhood. The Southern neighbourhood aspect of the ENP has itself been an under researched area in recent years, as it is widely considered a failed policy, and the interest of EU-scholars has largely shifted away from the Southern neighbourhood to the Eastern neighbourhood, where the threats to the EU, and its influence on the ‘ring of friends’ it aims to create, seem more pressing. Has Malta, despite its status as a small state, and the current general disinterest in the Southern neighbourhood, managed to capture EU policy-makers’ attention and successfully Europeanised its domestic foreign policy preferences? Through a combination of qualitative and quantitative analysis, which traces frames and discursive constructions across the domestic level, to the European level, before concluding with a comparative analysis of two EU foreign policy documents, this study demonstrates that Maltese policy preferences were uploaded to the level of EU foreign policy, more specifically, the ENP's Southern Neighbourhood component.Show less
Absorption capacity has been argued to be an essential indicator of the effectiveness of cohesion policy in European Union (EU) member states. Using the Principal-Agent framework to study the...Show moreAbsorption capacity has been argued to be an essential indicator of the effectiveness of cohesion policy in European Union (EU) member states. Using the Principal-Agent framework to study the implementation stage of cohesion policy, this thesis aims to find whether the Commission as a principal can influence the absorption capacity of countries (the agents) through its control mechanisms, namely the ex-ante conditionalities and priority axes. By doing a comparative analysis of Bulgaria and Romania, findings suggest that while Bulgaria did not follow the Commission’s rules and absorbed a significant amount of funds, Romania, which strictly followed EU’s conditionalities, had its absorption capacity negatively influenced by the Commission. This negative influence is even more evident with the increased funding a member state receives for some of its operational programmes as larger financial assistance requires the country to follow more EU rules.Show less
This study applies the gravity model to explain Sino-European trade flows. It constructs a model with trade conformity to identify the logic underlying Chinese trade flows, trade complementarity to...Show moreThis study applies the gravity model to explain Sino-European trade flows. It constructs a model with trade conformity to identify the logic underlying Chinese trade flows, trade complementarity to test unused trade potential and predicts trade flows between China and the EU28 to estimate the unexhausted trade potential. The empirical results show that global Chinese trade flows follows a Heckscher-Ohlin model with dominant inter-industry trade. For Sino-European trade, Heckscher Ohlin explains EU exports. However for EU imports of China and total Sino-European trade flows, no model could be identified. The calculated Trade Complementarity Index shows that EU imports have a higher complementary with Chinese exports than EU exports and Chinese imports, indicating that the EU is a better export market for China than vice versa. The complementarity explains trade flows better than the conformity model and predicts unexhausted trade potential between the EU and China. Large unexhausted potential is mostly found in Chinese exports to the EU, indicating that China benefits most from improving trade relations between the EU and China. On the member state level, large heterogeneity in trade potential is found. A small number of member states outperform their predicted trade flows. Most EU member states have unexhausted export potential with China, and China has unexhausted export potential towards the majority of EU member states.Show less
