Ever since the European Union (EU) embraced a securitising approach to the migration problem by leaning on third-country deals, countries such as Turkey and Belarus gained leverage against the EU,...Show moreEver since the European Union (EU) embraced a securitising approach to the migration problem by leaning on third-country deals, countries such as Turkey and Belarus gained leverage against the EU, using these deals as tools for coercive engineered migration (CEM). Although Turkey has been a candidate country and was following a Europeanising route for its policies, it opted for a coercive route and employed CEM against the EU after the 2015 crisis. Based on Greenhill’s (2010) theory, this paper argues that Turkey has employed CEM because it had certain demands from the EU that were previously unacceptable and had lower bargaining power vis-à-vis the EU. This project followed a process-tracing method and analysed five cases where Turkey employed CEM against the EU. The analysis showed that in all of these five cases, Turkey had certain demands from the EU, whether political, monetary, or otherwise, that were not negotiable by the EU before this strategy. Although Turkey was not always successful in retrieving its demands from the EU, it managed to at least put the demands on the negotiation table. Secondly, in all of the cases, Turkey had lower bargaining power compared to the EU, which made it likely for Turkey to employ CEM to shift the power balance. The analysis adds nuance to the research on coercive migration diplomacy by focusing on the Turkish case, particularly observing Turkey's shift from a cooperative to a coercive power and examining the causal mechanisms behind this shift. This research might encourage further studies that compare Turkey to different third-country deals on this basis.Show less
Integration and the European Union are almost synonymous with each other; you cannot have one without the other. However, it is difficult to reach agreement. Therefore, the controversial method of...Show moreIntegration and the European Union are almost synonymous with each other; you cannot have one without the other. However, it is difficult to reach agreement. Therefore, the controversial method of differentiated integration, which allows for Member States to adapt policies towards their interests, is often utilized. Participation of third countries in EU policies is a cornerstone of DI theory. As its closest ally, the United States has heavily supported and has been involved in European security and defense since the end of the Second World War. This has led to the US being heavily involved in any developments in European security and defense policy. However, US views are never stable as they are known to change from administration to administration and often focus on American primacy. This thesis analyzes the phenomenon of differentiated integration in European security and defense policies and concludes how effective the outcome has been. In an examination of real-world application, DI will further be judged through the effect Europe’s relationship with the United States has on security and defense policies. This leads to the conclusion that, while differentiated integration is heavily flawed and needs to be handled carefully, it is ultimately the ideal solution in accommodating state sovereignty. The United States is also considered a risk due to its influence on European security and defense policies, and the current instability in the government.Show less
This thesis aims to explore the evolution of Dutch media framing concerning Albania's European Union (EU) integration process. To better understand the complex dynamics impacting perceptions of...Show moreThis thesis aims to explore the evolution of Dutch media framing concerning Albania's European Union (EU) integration process. To better understand the complex dynamics impacting perceptions of Albania's EU integration, examining the media mood, framing tendencies, and the general thematic focus in Dutch news coverage is imperative. This will be guided by the theoretical framework of Liberal Intergovernmentalism Theory (LIT). The research focuses on one central question: How does the media framing of Albania in Dutch media correlate with the Dutch government's decision-making on Albania's accession process between 2018 and 2022? The findings highlight how the media can influence public opinion and policy dialogue through links between media framing and Albania's integration milestones. The findings indicate that there is a strong correlation between the portrayal of Albania in the Dutch media and the decision- making of the Dutch government on Albania's accession to the EU. The fluctuating emphasis of media framing, which reflects external influences and geopolitical dynamics, is consistent with the fundamental ideas of LIT, which hold that domestic actors must adjust to global conditions. This study emphasizes the connections among media narratives, public opinion, and policy concerns. It stresses the significance of acknowledging the media's role in promoting an informed and positive public debate on EU integration.Show less
This thesis tries to research the JCPOA and the German / French official and medial reaction to it and to establish a connection of this with the state of European foreign policy.
The outcome in the Netherlands of the 2016 Ukraine referendum was influenced by Eurosceptic voting. Both this thesis and The National Referendum Research show that a lack of trust in the European...Show moreThe outcome in the Netherlands of the 2016 Ukraine referendum was influenced by Eurosceptic voting. Both this thesis and The National Referendum Research show that a lack of trust in the European Union corresponds with a ‘No’ vote. This thesis takes the analysis of the role of Eurosceptic voting a step further by using more explanatory models of Euroscepticism, giving insight on not only the relationship with Euroscepticism as a linear factor, but also as a multi-dimensional concept and a benchmark concept. With these models, this thesis shows that perceived utility of the EU - separate from trust in the EU - is an important factor that influenced the outcome of this Ukraine referendum. Beyond this, it shows that the referendum voters’ average trust in the EU’s policy and regime is lower than their trust in the national policy and regime. This leads to the conclusion that the Dutch voters have sent a message to The Hague and Brussels that they must put more effort in showing the Netherlands’ benefits through EU membership, for lack of confidence in the EU’s utility has been a key element in not accepting this international association agreement. On a methodological level, this thesis aims to contribute to a new research method predicated on the idea of ‘average towns’ because its data is collected based on the comparability of the municipality of Heemskerk with the Netherlands as a whole, in both demographics and voting outcomes.Show less
This thesis aims to examine the news coverage of military aid sent to Ukraine after the escalation of the conflict on February 24th 2022. Over a period of one year, 169 news articles from the six...Show moreThis thesis aims to examine the news coverage of military aid sent to Ukraine after the escalation of the conflict on February 24th 2022. Over a period of one year, 169 news articles from the six most popular Dutch news outlets are analysed. The prevalence of five media frames is examined through a deductive study and framework set out by prior research. Whereas the conflict, economic consequences and responsibility frames are all found to be used in Dutch news coverage on the delivery of arms to Ukraine, the human impact and morality frames fail to reach the 0.5 threshold. Differences between news outlets are found when ranking them on a sensationalist-serious axis as well as their attitude towards the military aid. Additionally, seven phases of military aid are identified in which several important actors and context are disclosed to affect the arms send to Ukraine.Show less
