The downing of Flight MH17 in July 2014 constitutes a major crisis and a critical juncture in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia. This critical juncture created the conditions under which a...Show moreThe downing of Flight MH17 in July 2014 constitutes a major crisis and a critical juncture in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia. This critical juncture created the conditions under which a significant change in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia became possible as institutional constraints were suddenly loosened. By using process tracing this thesis studies the changes in Dutch foreign policy and the causal mechanism behind them following the downing of the airplane. The Dutch government initially took on a cautious position as it was hoping Russia could be convinced to cooperate with the investigation. However as the Kremlin continually spreads disinformation about Flight MH17 and consistently seeks to discredit and undermine the investigations, the Dutch government started to use more confrontational and less accommodating diplomatic tools. This is evidenced by the way in which the Dutch government exposed the foiled OPCW hacking attempt by the GRU as well as how it criticised Russia’s behaviour surrounding the downing of Flight MH17.Show less
This thesis investigates how the process of coming to an EU negotiating position for the conferences of the parties (COPs) of the UNFCCC changed between 1997 and 2015. The EU preparations for three...Show moreThis thesis investigates how the process of coming to an EU negotiating position for the conferences of the parties (COPs) of the UNFCCC changed between 1997 and 2015. The EU preparations for three of these climate conferences (Kyoto, Copenhagen, and Paris) are analysed through the content analysis of EU documents and expert interviews. This thesis argues that this negotiating process became increasingly embedded in the theoretical framework of multi-level governance. Treaty changes, shifts on the global stage of negotiations and the addition of new member states caused the European level (mainly the Commission) to play a leading role in the intra-European negotiations.Show less
Enlargement is often considered to be European Union’s (EU’s) most successful foreign policy tool. However, in the last 15 years, further expansion has become problematic. Conditions and demands to...Show moreEnlargement is often considered to be European Union’s (EU’s) most successful foreign policy tool. However, in the last 15 years, further expansion has become problematic. Conditions and demands to the candidate states have been becoming stricter, leading to delays in the process and the discourse about the EU’s readiness to welcome new members. Considering the negative consequences of stricter criteria, coupled with some visible compliance on the side of candidate states, it is not immediately clear why the EU decided to make conditionality stricter. This thesis explores the causes of the enlargement criteria tightening, focusing on both internal political dynamics of the EU and performance of the candidate states. It finds that stricter conditionality is caused mostly by the increased role of intergovernmentalism in the EU, due to an existing enlargement fatigue. The findings are then applied to and tested in the context of Albania and North Macedonia.Show less
During the European debt crisis it became clear that the European fiscal framework needed to be reformed. Part of this reform process was the Fiscal Compact, which required the signatory states to...Show moreDuring the European debt crisis it became clear that the European fiscal framework needed to be reformed. Part of this reform process was the Fiscal Compact, which required the signatory states to adopt a balanced budget rule in their domestic legislation ‘preferably’ on constitutional level. The Fiscal Compact thus required change and reform of the domestic fiscal frameworks. However, the degree of change of the domestic fiscal frameworks in the various Member States is very different. This thesis tried to explain why this is the case. Firstly, this thesis determined the degree of change in Germany, Spain and the Netherlands by comparing the domestic fiscal frameworks of these countries before the crisis to the domestic fiscal frameworks after the introduction of the Fiscal Compact. Secondly, this thesis tried to explain the variety in the degree of change in Germany, Spain and the Netherlands, by using concepts from Europeanization theory and Historical Institutionalism, such as the ‘degree of misfit’, veto-players and other mediating factors.Show less
The mechanism for appointing the President of the European Commission has undergone a significant change in the post-Lisbon era. The introduction of the Spitzenkandidaten system, in the lead up to...Show moreThe mechanism for appointing the President of the European Commission has undergone a significant change in the post-Lisbon era. The introduction of the Spitzenkandidaten system, in the lead up to the 2014 European Parliamentary elections, marked a distinct shift in the inter-institutional power balance between the European Council and the European Parliament. As a consequence of the appointment of Jean-Claude Juncker as Commission President, the European Parliament had exerted considerable influence, despite not having a clear legal mandate. However, the shift in the inter-institutional balance of power was temporary. The Spitzenkandidaten system did not become codified in the Treaties and the future of the system became a subject of debate. A shift occurred in the 2014-2019 inter-election period, culminating in the non-implementation of the appointment mechanism in 2019. This thesis will trace historically the evolution of the Spitzenkandidaten system, recount the appointment procedure in 2014 and analyse the ensuing inter-institutional power struggle between the European Council and the European Parliament. To explain the non-implementation of the Spitzenkandidaten system in 2019, Müller Gomez, Wessels and Wolters (2019) theoretical approach to inter-institutional relations is implemented. In doing so, the thesis contributes to a wider debate about the institutional architecture of the EU and the balance of power between the institutions, i.e., the interplay between supranationalism and intergovernmentalism.Show less
This thesis will analyze the appointment of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR) after the Lisbon Treaties of 2009. While this position was established...Show moreThis thesis will analyze the appointment of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR) after the Lisbon Treaties of 2009. While this position was established in the 1997 Amsterdam Treaty, the Lisbon Treaties (2009) were highly influential in shaping the HR by providing increased competences and powers to the office. Where it had previously, from 1999 to 2009, only been a vague position to navigate with few official competences, the HR gained increased importance and status in the post-Lisbon European Union (EU). Accordingly, it would make sense to appoint an individual with ample experience in the field of foreign affairs to the office in the first post-Lisbon term. However, the desired HR position fell into the lap of a previous Trade Commissioner from the United Kingdom (UK), Catherine Ashton. In the following tenures, similar procedures occurred with the HR appointment over seemingly arcane criteria. This thesis provides evidence for the argument that the HR can be interpreted as a balancing factor at the EU’s highest table. Of the factors that contribute to the appointment of an individual to a leading position at the EU level, this thesis will argue that the balancing grid at the helm of the EU is the most influential factor in the appointment of the HR.Show less
Over the course of European integration, national parliaments have developed methods of scrutinizing new EU legislation. Especially since the Lisbon Treaty, national parliaments have become both...Show moreOver the course of European integration, national parliaments have developed methods of scrutinizing new EU legislation. Especially since the Lisbon Treaty, national parliaments have become both more empowered and active on EU affairs. At the same time, the European Parliament has become a co-legislator, (theoretically) securing parliamentary control over both the Council and the EP parts of the ordinary legislative procedure. This thesis, by way of a deep case study, gives an analysis of the methods to enact influence deployed by Dutch parliamentarians in the European Parliament and the Tweede Kamer on the Proposal for a European Labour Authority. (ELA, 2018/0064 (COD)). The thesis is based on parliamentary proceedings and interviews with M(E)Ps and others involved in the case. Among other conclusions, the importance of committee meetings is highlighted.Show less
The liberal world order, as we have known for decades is in decline and emerging states are on the rise, meaning that a new world order is around the corner. EU-China relations are key in this...Show moreThe liberal world order, as we have known for decades is in decline and emerging states are on the rise, meaning that a new world order is around the corner. EU-China relations are key in this regard and will be examined in this thesis by means of a discourse analysis. With only a few studies focussing on the effects of language politics or discursive power in international relations, this thesis employs new insights that go beyond IR literature that is often situated in Western geographies and it uniquely applies a discourse analysis to provide evidence. Hence, this thesis answers the following research question: How does China seek to construct the nature and content of the EU-China Dialogue and why does it act in this fashion?Show less
The EU-ACP relationship is very old and has developed much over time. After three trade disputes at the WTO level, the unilateral trade preferences that ACP countries enjoyed under the Cotonou...Show moreThe EU-ACP relationship is very old and has developed much over time. After three trade disputes at the WTO level, the unilateral trade preferences that ACP countries enjoyed under the Cotonou Agreement, ceased to exist in 2008. Therefore, regional Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the EU and several groupings of the ACP countries were meant to enter into force to ensure continued economic cooperation between the EU and the ACP. Furthermore, the EU envisioned the EPA agreements to further strengthen the regionalisation processes within the African continent. However, the EPA negotiations have proven to be very difficult since only 4 out of 7 regional EPAs have come into force. This comparative case study takes a regionalist approach and focusses on the political and economic effects that the implementation of the SADC EPA and the two West African stepping stone EPAs with Ghana and the Ivory Coast have had on the ECOWAS and SADC countries. In particular, the author has analysed UNCTAD trade and investment statistics and has conducted interviewees with African regional experts and EU officials. The results show that the EPA agreements do support deeper regional economic and political integration among the African EPA member states. However, due to the different composition of the EPA groupings and the already existing African Regional Economic Communities (RECs), the implementation of the EPAs have hindered the integration process of both the ECOWAS and SADC projects.Show less
This thesis project focus on the 2015 Syrian refugee crisis and its impact on Germany politics. This paper will explore in what way Syrian refugee has impacted the Germany politics. The main...Show moreThis thesis project focus on the 2015 Syrian refugee crisis and its impact on Germany politics. This paper will explore in what way Syrian refugee has impacted the Germany politics. The main argument in this project is (How has the Syrian refugees' crisis in Germany contribute to the rise of the right-wing populist party?). The findings and analysis of the above mention issue will be drawn from existing primary and secondary data using peer-reviewed literature on the subject. The data will be used from different journal and articles based on the political issues in Germany, statistics data from the European Union and Germans government institutions, as well as from different national and international body predominantly working on that issue of refugees within Germany. In the end, this thesis project also unveil the rise of right-wing populist parties in Germany Alternative for Germany(AfD) from the aftermath of 2015 refuge crisis. This project will also try to analyze how Germany position itself within the negotiation in the EU concerning the migration.Show less
This thesis analyses the Military Planning and Conduct Capability (MPCC) which is the European Union’s military operational headquarter (OHQ). Authors of articles on the MPCC explain its creation...Show moreThis thesis analyses the Military Planning and Conduct Capability (MPCC) which is the European Union’s military operational headquarter (OHQ). Authors of articles on the MPCC explain its creation by pointing at recent events and developments, such as the annexation of Crimea and the election of Trump. However, the creation of the MPCC is the culmination of decades worth of European defence cooperation. Its creation can therefore only be fully understood when taking the historical context in mind. This thesis therefore uses an historical approach to solve the gap in knowledge on the creation of the MPCC. It analyses the creation of six predecessors, all established European organisations that are similar to the MPCC as an OHQ, and compares them to each other. In this manner, this thesis argues that European defence cooperation since World War II is the result of the perceived interdependence between European states. Interdependence concerning national defence has led to the creation of the Western Union and the Western European Union. During the 90s, the perceived interdependence changed to focus on the ability for the states to play a significant and sovereign role on the world stage. This led to the creation of the EU Operations Centre, the Civilian Planning and Conduct Capability and the option to use national OHQs and OHQs of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). Around 2016 the perceived interdependence shifted for a second time, now combining the focus on national defence with the focus on playing a significant and sovereign role on the world stage. This led to agreement among EU member states to develop the EU’s military capabilities. The Brexit referendum result provided the window of opportunity to start with these developments and thus to begin creating the MPCC, which was completed in 2017.Show less
My analysis provides little support for the claim that Instagram’s algorithm is exploited in an attempt to increase the exposure to RNQs’ content/narratives or instill users with a fake sense of...Show moreMy analysis provides little support for the claim that Instagram’s algorithm is exploited in an attempt to increase the exposure to RNQs’ content/narratives or instill users with a fake sense of organic support, by employing bots to amplify their messages and enlarge their following. Although at first glance, it appears like bots make up a substantial amount of their followers, compared to other established media, their number is not significant, but rather a representation of the overall inauthentic bot population on the SMP. Among the inspected outlets, only the Italian outlet “ilGiornale” exhibited abnormal metrics throughout all steps of the analysis and is therefore considered to benefit from CP methods. Since this RNQ has not uploaded any content to Instagram since May 2019 and only has 16 posts in total, an increased exposure to their content is considered to be no threat to democratic deliberation. Rather, even without CP, it is an emerging right-wing media ecosystem that poses an increasing challenge to EU democracy. These findings, however, should be taken cautiously, as in the course of the empirical chapter, it becomes obvious that qualitative bot-detection models were designed for Twitter or Facebook and do not adequately take the platform-specifics of Instagram into account. Hence, the number of bots and subsequently the number of RNQ accounts that benefit from CP might actually be higher than this analysis suggests.Show less
In 2018, the European Council proposed to establish regional disembarkation arrangements in the Mediterranean with a view to stem irregular migration and prevent loss of life of migrants bound for...Show moreIn 2018, the European Council proposed to establish regional disembarkation arrangements in the Mediterranean with a view to stem irregular migration and prevent loss of life of migrants bound for Europe. The proposal allows for the quick disembarkation of migrants saved in search and rescue missions and the extraterritorial assessment of their claims to international protection. This study employs a doctrinal research method in order to provide a legal analysis on the proposal's compatibility with EU Member States' international human rights obligations. In addition, the assessment puts focus on refugees’ options to obtain legal access to EU Member States’ territory in order to claim international protection as well as the proposal's implications on these options. The study concludes that the European Council's proposal is compatible with EU Member States’ international human rights obligations, but cannot create protected entry procedures for refugees.Show less
