Ever since the European Union (EU) embraced a securitising approach to the migration problem by leaning on third-country deals, countries such as Turkey and Belarus gained leverage against the EU,...Show moreEver since the European Union (EU) embraced a securitising approach to the migration problem by leaning on third-country deals, countries such as Turkey and Belarus gained leverage against the EU, using these deals as tools for coercive engineered migration (CEM). Although Turkey has been a candidate country and was following a Europeanising route for its policies, it opted for a coercive route and employed CEM against the EU after the 2015 crisis. Based on Greenhill’s (2010) theory, this paper argues that Turkey has employed CEM because it had certain demands from the EU that were previously unacceptable and had lower bargaining power vis-à-vis the EU. This project followed a process-tracing method and analysed five cases where Turkey employed CEM against the EU. The analysis showed that in all of these five cases, Turkey had certain demands from the EU, whether political, monetary, or otherwise, that were not negotiable by the EU before this strategy. Although Turkey was not always successful in retrieving its demands from the EU, it managed to at least put the demands on the negotiation table. Secondly, in all of the cases, Turkey had lower bargaining power compared to the EU, which made it likely for Turkey to employ CEM to shift the power balance. The analysis adds nuance to the research on coercive migration diplomacy by focusing on the Turkish case, particularly observing Turkey's shift from a cooperative to a coercive power and examining the causal mechanisms behind this shift. This research might encourage further studies that compare Turkey to different third-country deals on this basis.Show less
Integration and the European Union are almost synonymous with each other; you cannot have one without the other. However, it is difficult to reach agreement. Therefore, the controversial method of...Show moreIntegration and the European Union are almost synonymous with each other; you cannot have one without the other. However, it is difficult to reach agreement. Therefore, the controversial method of differentiated integration, which allows for Member States to adapt policies towards their interests, is often utilized. Participation of third countries in EU policies is a cornerstone of DI theory. As its closest ally, the United States has heavily supported and has been involved in European security and defense since the end of the Second World War. This has led to the US being heavily involved in any developments in European security and defense policy. However, US views are never stable as they are known to change from administration to administration and often focus on American primacy. This thesis analyzes the phenomenon of differentiated integration in European security and defense policies and concludes how effective the outcome has been. In an examination of real-world application, DI will further be judged through the effect Europe’s relationship with the United States has on security and defense policies. This leads to the conclusion that, while differentiated integration is heavily flawed and needs to be handled carefully, it is ultimately the ideal solution in accommodating state sovereignty. The United States is also considered a risk due to its influence on European security and defense policies, and the current instability in the government.Show less
This thesis explores the tension between norms and state-interests in EU foreign policy. It focuses on the energy sanctions against Russia in the context of the war in Ukraine and argues that it is...Show moreThis thesis explores the tension between norms and state-interests in EU foreign policy. It focuses on the energy sanctions against Russia in the context of the war in Ukraine and argues that it is a case in which norms prevail over state-interests. It uncovers the different steps from the beginning of the war on the 24th of February 2022 to the adoption of an oil embargo on the 3rd of June by the council. It analyses how despite diverging interests among the member states, a consensus was reached in the European council.Show less
Morocco and the European Union are intertwined through a constellation of interests. Migration is perhaps the most important of these interests, an issue that the European Union has identified as...Show moreMorocco and the European Union are intertwined through a constellation of interests. Migration is perhaps the most important of these interests, an issue that the European Union has identified as crucial in order to guarantee the stability of the region. Nevertheless, dealing with migration requires of close cooperation with third state countries like Morocco, which represents one of the main gateways of entrance of irregular migrants to the European Union. Shortly after the 2004 enlargement process, the European Union designed the European Neighbourhood Policy in order to strengthen the links with its southern and eastern neighbours and create a ring of well-governed, stable, and democratic countries. Through this paper we will take a closer look at Morocco as a partner country through the European Neighbourhood Policy, precisely in the field of migration, and how and to what extent the establishment of this policy has had an impact on Morocco's migration policy.Show less