The war on drugs is does not only take place in South America, but also in other, less expected, parts of the world. In particular, opium travels from (mainly) Afghanistan to parts all over the...Show moreThe war on drugs is does not only take place in South America, but also in other, less expected, parts of the world. In particular, opium travels from (mainly) Afghanistan to parts all over the world, carried by all sorts of groups and organizations that have specialized in this trade. The PKK is active in a number of regions in the Middle-East and illicit drug trade is one of the means of its financing. Using the crime-terror continuum of Makarenko, this research describes the PKK as a commercial terrorist organization with mainly financial interests, at present stronger than their political motives. The research question of this thesis is as follows: “To what extent has the Kurdistan Workers’ Party transformed into a criminal organization from its erewhile politically motivated terrorist origins?” The relevance of this research is therefore to give the PKK a spot on the crime- terror continuum of Makarenko (2004: 131) and to show its evolution into a transnational organized crime organization, rather than just a static politically driven organization. This research could improve the formulation and implementation of future counter measures. The hypothesis of this thesis is that the PKK can be defined as a predominantly commercial terrorist organization.Show less
This thesis deals with the how and under which conditions does the Turkish denial (and the international politics surrounding this) of the Armenian genocide has shaped the formation of Armenian...Show moreThis thesis deals with the how and under which conditions does the Turkish denial (and the international politics surrounding this) of the Armenian genocide has shaped the formation of Armenian identity.Show less
Considering the global boom in Transitional Justice (TJ) and its bureaucratization since the 1980s, critical multi-disciplinary scholars realised that ‘transitional’ discourses and practices were...Show moreConsidering the global boom in Transitional Justice (TJ) and its bureaucratization since the 1980s, critical multi-disciplinary scholars realised that ‘transitional’ discourses and practices were depoliticizing alternative political perspectives. But although they refer to interrelated phenomena, their language and chief academic objectives diverge, making depoliticization incoherent and under-conceptualized. This paper unifies prior efforts by asking what depoliticization is and tracing its consequences. We present six tentative definitions of depoliticization, categorise them into three types, and incorporate our preferred definition into our methodology. In a case study of TJ and post-transitional activism in Argentina during 1983-1996, we map its occurrence beginning with a depoliticizing move in 1983 by the Alfonsín administration that facilitated the production of Nunca Mas in 1984 and examine its relationship to the marginalization of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo, a civil society organisation that emerged in response to mass disappearances under the former military junta. We conclude that depoliticization occurred and contributed to marginalization of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo, having produced a clear conceptual framework for further applications of depoliticization in contexts of TJ.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to analyze Pyongyang's changing architecture taking into account the North Korean regime's recent implementation of a market-oriented economy and the social and spatial...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to analyze Pyongyang's changing architecture taking into account the North Korean regime's recent implementation of a market-oriented economy and the social and spatial effects of that. The analysis is based on the prediction of the book "Unprecedented Pyongyang", describing the transformation of the iconic monuments and the specific socialist morphology of Pyongyang to a more "functional" capitalistic city. By analyzing architecture, and the social production of such the thesis sheds light on the possible clash between the social and the political body in North Korea, explaining the mechanisms of cultural propaganda and especially advocating for the prevalence of agency in Pyongyang's inhabited space. The study is situated within the broader debate of globalization and modernization as possible external forces, being implemented in Pyongyang and represented in build form. The thesis questions whether the economic transitioning and a resulting spatial and social change also results in a temporal one, wherein Pyongyang "catches up" to the globalized and modernized world. Overall the conclusion shows that there are some major issues pertaining to how the processes of time and modernity are considered within International Relations.Show less
In this paper we will explore the complex relationship between the news media and political decision making in the United Kingdom, as well as how that relationship affects an actor’s role in...Show moreIn this paper we will explore the complex relationship between the news media and political decision making in the United Kingdom, as well as how that relationship affects an actor’s role in international relations. Focussing on a selection of British newspapers and the government, we analyse the discourse surrounding migration and refugees during the 2015 Refugee Crisis. We observe the intersections of political influence which travel between the press and politicians, and vice versa, as well as the ways in which those influence mechanisms can impact behaviour at the international level. Considering the relationship according to conceptions of normative values and social hegemony we can identify how the discourse informs the national attitude towards particular issues.Show less
This thesis analyses competing discourses around the 2017 Catalan independence referendum. Taking a quantitative approach, several distinct text-mining techniques are applied to political speech...Show moreThis thesis analyses competing discourses around the 2017 Catalan independence referendum. Taking a quantitative approach, several distinct text-mining techniques are applied to political speech transcripts and newspaper opinion pieces of pro-independence and pro-union elites in order to identify broad lexical patterns in discourse. These results are then interpreted with the guidance of previous literature and within the theoretical framework of discursive institutionalism. The analysis finds that the most salient patterns are a pro-union emphasis on law and the constitution, and a pro-independence focus on the symbolic imagery produced by the referendum, such as polling stations, ballot boxes, and police violence. The results also find differing representations of the relationship between Catalonia and Spain, and to a lesser degree, the role of Europe within the dynamic. Taken together, these findings illuminate broad discursive strategies employed by both sides of the independence debate as they seek to either provoke or prevent institutional change.Show less
This thesis looks into the motivations behind Hezbollah's military support for Syria's president Assad, despite its ideological opposition to repression and initial support for the Arab Spring. It...Show moreThis thesis looks into the motivations behind Hezbollah's military support for Syria's president Assad, despite its ideological opposition to repression and initial support for the Arab Spring. It compares these findings to the existing literature on the nature of Hezbollah. It is found that pragmatic considerations concerning Hezbollah's own security and its weapons supplies through Syria were its main motivators, despite ideologically charged rhetoric. In the literature, this reality is best reflected by those that acknowledge the duality of Hezbollah's ties to Lebanon and aims of integration into Lebanese politics on the one hand and its ties to Iran and fight against Israel on the other.Show less
The Responsibility to Protect principle introduced both the state’s and the international community’s responsibility to protect human rights. The principle is regarded as an emergent norm that is...Show moreThe Responsibility to Protect principle introduced both the state’s and the international community’s responsibility to protect human rights. The principle is regarded as an emergent norm that is yet to be successfully diffused and classified as a global norm. This thesis assesses the principle’s normative trajectory through the use of Finnemore and Sikkink’s ‘norm life cycle theory’ (1998). This work works toward a better understanding of Russia’s approach towards the emergent norm of human rights by default. By assessing Russia’s approach towards intervention, this study reviews the claim that Russia seeks to undermine the norms that underpin R2P. This has been conducted via a qualitative case study that reviews the following cases: Georgia, Crimea, Libya and Syria. The findings demonstrate that although Russia is actively engaged with the principle’s norm development process, it did also attempt to interpret the norm according to its own preferences. However, only once was the norm was truly undermined - in the case of Crimea.Show less
The 1996 Guatemalan Peace Accords were the result of a long Peace Process that marked the end of a 36-year lasting civil war. These Accords aimed to end violent conflict and reconstruct the country...Show moreThe 1996 Guatemalan Peace Accords were the result of a long Peace Process that marked the end of a 36-year lasting civil war. These Accords aimed to end violent conflict and reconstruct the country. The majority of individuals involved in this Peace Process were male, but a range of women managed to take part in the Peace Process through both formal and informal channels. This thesis focusses on this formal women’s involvement, where two women were placed on the negotiating teams and a range of women’s organizations formed part of the civil society structure within the Peace Process. Women in Guatemala’s pre-conflict society faced significant barriers to the full exercise of their rights. Openings into the Peace Processes therefore provided women with opportunities to influence the outcome and thereby improve the status of women overall in Guatemalan society. In recent decades, there has been increasing scholarly attention to the lack of women’s involvement in peace processes, focussing mainly on ways to overcome this lack of involvement. Although further scholarly attention has been set on peace processes as a way for women to advance their status in society, empirical evidence regarding this line of reasoning is often lacking. This thesis aims to fill this gap by undertaking a literature based qualitative research in the form of a within-case study. Various indicators on the status of women in Guatemalan society are compared across time to determine if women’s involvement in the Guatemalan Peace Process has impacted the Peace Agreement and following policies, and in turn has led to changes in the status of the general population of women throughout Guatemalan society. This research demonstrates that through formal involvement in the Guatemalan Peace Process the status of women has not improved as much as envisioned, but still progress has been made. The findings of this thesis indicate that women in such processes cannot be expected to raise certain topics on the basis of their gender. Furthermore, it demonstrates that women’s participation in peace processes could lead to social transformation, but that the nature and features of such an involvement are limiting or strengthening to the eventual results in terms of women’s status in society. This establishes the need to thoroughly analyse how the nature and features of their involvement can be deployed to maximize the effect of women’s inclusion in peace processes as a way to establish societies with a higher degree of gender equality.Show less
Scholars and humanitarian aid organizations alike continue to debate the effectiveness of varying methods of aid distribution in areas of protracted crisis. This thesis contributes to the field of...Show moreScholars and humanitarian aid organizations alike continue to debate the effectiveness of varying methods of aid distribution in areas of protracted crisis. This thesis contributes to the field of knowledge and research on the impact of interagency coordinated humanitarian responses to food insecurity amid civil war in South Sudan using measured IPC data, and furthermore explores how local actors and organizations in the region ‘measured up’ in their willingness and ability to assist in increasing food security in South Sudan in 2016.Show less
On March 15 this year, The United Nations Committee on Enforced Disappearance (UNCED) has released a hammering report entitled "Double Injustice - Human Rights Violation in the Investigation of the...Show moreOn March 15 this year, The United Nations Committee on Enforced Disappearance (UNCED) has released a hammering report entitled "Double Injustice - Human Rights Violation in the Investigation of the Ayotzinapa Case" into the forced disappearance of 43 students in Mexico in 2014 (OHCHR, 2018). This case, which has also become known under the "Iguala Case", named after the city in Mexico where the horrendous incident happened, has received unprecedented heights of attention, both by the national and international press. During the night of 26th to 27 September 2014, over 80 students from Raúl Isidro Burgos Rural Teachers College of Ayotzinapa travelled by bus (which they had seized) to participate in an annual demonstration in Mexico City.Show less
Transitional justice plays a central role in helping nations move forward in post-conflict periods in which nations have suffered from mass violence and other atrocities. Moreover, educating youth...Show moreTransitional justice plays a central role in helping nations move forward in post-conflict periods in which nations have suffered from mass violence and other atrocities. Moreover, educating youth on the past is necessary in order to work towards reconciliation and preventing the reoccurrence of atrocities. By presenting a comparative study of two countries that have gone through the same type of horrific violence, this thesis will examine the transitional justice approaches adopted in the field of education Cambodia and Rwanda, whereby it will conclude which one has promoted the most effective way of dealing with the past. According to International Centre for Transitional Justice (2018), the aims of transitional justice is ‘the recognition of the dignity of individuals, the redress and acknowledgment of violations and the aim to prevent them happening again.’ Thus, I argue that education plays a crucial role in transitional justice, and is not only important in teaching youth about a country’s history, but schools also help shape politics and create intergroup relations. The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the research on the relationship between transitional justice and education. By presenting two case studies, I will analyse which one of the two approaches in education has proven more successful as a mechanism of transitional justice. Lastly, I will conclude with a summary of the findings and give further recommendations.Show less
Korean unification is a concept that seems impractical and unwanted by the Republic of Korea. Yet the government continues to purport its desire for it, primarily romanticising a reunited Korean...Show moreKorean unification is a concept that seems impractical and unwanted by the Republic of Korea. Yet the government continues to purport its desire for it, primarily romanticising a reunited Korean bloodline. This project analyses the reasons and causes for this continued use of ethnic nationalism and explore how it shapes the very meaning of unification. Primarily, it is a speech act incorporated into the larger foreign policy of the Republic of Korea, mobilised for self-promotion and achieving its own interests.Show less
A deepening political crisis in Europe is accompanied by increasing civil discontent which directly translates into decreasing trust in political systems and political outcomes deficit of...Show moreA deepening political crisis in Europe is accompanied by increasing civil discontent which directly translates into decreasing trust in political systems and political outcomes deficit of legitimacy. It is already contributing to the emergence of potentially dangerous and exclusive policies as populism and Euroscepticism is on spectacular rise, endangering liberal democracies of the continent and the European regional project. Therefore, a search for political innovation that could effectively address these issues is excessively justified. This thesis seeks to offer a solution by investigating the possibilities to extend popular sovereignty of citizens via the better integration of technological advances into the political life of European states. Such intention could not only carry the possibility to nurse some of the most serious societal grievances but also would adopt the conduct of 21st century politics to the ongoing trends set out by the Fourth Industrial Revolution.Show less
Although Nigeria is becoming an important economic and political actor in the world, it is facing many security challenges. In the Middle Belt region of the country where the Christian South and...Show moreAlthough Nigeria is becoming an important economic and political actor in the world, it is facing many security challenges. In the Middle Belt region of the country where the Christian South and the Muslim North meet, exists a high level of intercommunal religious violence. While first establishing the developments that have led to this violence, this thesis looks to answer the following question: Why are some pluralistic communities in this region more prone to intercommunal religious violence than others? It does so by comparing local political systems in several LGAs (Local Government Areas) with similar ethnic-religious make-up. What has been found is that in those LGAs where a mechanism of informal local power sharing had emerged, very little to no violence took place, whereas in those LGAs where one group was in power, tensions easily turned violent. The final chapter explores what use these findings might have for conflict resolution programs in Nigeria, and Africa as a whole. Another result of the analysis is that the Nigerian situation represents the same causes as religious tensions in Europe, where the influx of Muslim migrants causes tensions. I suggest that there might be more lessons learned from Nigeria’s situation, than most people think.Show less
This thesis aims at assessing the US rhetorical response in terms of democracy promotion to the events of the Arab Uprising, with a particular focus on the political transitions started in Egypt...Show moreThis thesis aims at assessing the US rhetorical response in terms of democracy promotion to the events of the Arab Uprising, with a particular focus on the political transitions started in Egypt after 2011. Given the long history the mutual interests between the US and Egypt, the study conducts a throughout discourse analysis on the US statements and speeches delivered in the period 2011-2014, using the method of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). The analysis identifies three major narratives displayed by the US narrative, namely democracy promotion, regional stability/US-Egypt partnership and security interests, in order to understand how the discourses came together in the US rhetoric. More specifically, the thesis contends that, after an initial cautious support for the Egyptian democratization, the Obama administration increased the narrative on democracy promotion in 2011 and 2012, while associating it to the regional stability discourse. However, after the initial democracy euphoria displayed in the first two years after the revolution, the exam of the documents seems to reveal a notable prioritization of the security narrative in 2013 and 2014, especially with reference to counterterrorism practices and regional security. Finally, the thesis underlines the presence of a tension between the democracy promotion and the fostering of security objectives which worsened after the ouster of Morsi in July 2013.Show less
