This thesis asks how the rise of religious Zionism after the Yom Kippur War (1973) can be explained. This rise is puzzling, because whereas religious Zionism became more popular after the Six Day...Show moreThis thesis asks how the rise of religious Zionism after the Yom Kippur War (1973) can be explained. This rise is puzzling, because whereas religious Zionism became more popular after the Six Day War (1967), this stemmed from the euphoria associated with the victory and the annexation of Jerusalem. The Yom Kippur War, in contrast, led to uncertainty, protests and delegitimation of the government. Why then, was religious Zionism not reduced in popularity but strengthened instead? Apart from researching this question, this thesis focuses on the relation between the religionization of Israeli society and the rise of religious Zionism. In the second chapter, the details of religionization in Israel are researched through statistics, secondary literature and primary sources. What aspects of society had been religionized, and in what ways? Chapter three analyzes the previous literature on the subject in light of the evidence found in the previous chapter, but also scrutinizes whether there actually was a causal relationship between religionization and religious Zionism. Although this research found no conclusive evidence on the causal relationship between religionization and the popularity of religious Zionism, it does confirm other reasons behind its rise. Firstly, religious Zionists framed themselves as the new generation of pioneers, in contrast to the Labor government which took the blame for the Yom Kippur War. Moreover, the religious Zionists downplayed the influence on earthly events on the redemption of the Jewish people, which made the movement able to survive the setback that the Yom Kippur War arguably formed. Finally, secular ethno-nationalists were also attracted to religious Zionism as they shared a common goal: keeping the occupied (or ‘liberated’) territories.Show less
Territorial power sharing is often used to diminish aspirations of independence among self-determination movements. The academic literature shows various perspectives on the effectiveness of...Show moreTerritorial power sharing is often used to diminish aspirations of independence among self-determination movements. The academic literature shows various perspectives on the effectiveness of territorial power sharing. It is often mentioned that territorial power sharing would have a short term stabilising effect, though aspirations of independence would revive on the long-term. This notion is examined through a discourse analysis combined with a content analysis in a case study of Northern Ireland and its self-determination movements. The research shows that the discourse on independence keeps decreasing over time. However, it seems like the struggle has been taken into the political arena, where a long-term plan for independence is evolving.Show less
The Falklands War of 1982 was a historical anachronism, a territorial dispute from the 17th century that became an interstate conflict fought with modern weaponry. The War was brief and resulted in...Show moreThe Falklands War of 1982 was a historical anachronism, a territorial dispute from the 17th century that became an interstate conflict fought with modern weaponry. The War was brief and resulted in a decisive British victory, leading many to assume that it was an isolated incident, a flash in the pan that would fade into history, carrying little wider significance. In the modern day, 14 territories, including the Falkland Islands, remain constitutionally linked to the United Kingdom. They are now known as the UK or British Overseas Territories. These are relics of the colonial era that have not achieved independence either by choice or matters of practicality. This thesis proves that the 1982 Falklands War was a conflict of wider significance for the British Overseas Territories in several key areas affecting life and politics in these territories and in the UK itself. This is in contrast to writers who have argued the contrary, that the Falklands War was of no wider significance to Britain's interests overseas.Show less
This thesis is in accordance with the requirements for the completion of the International Relations Master Program. First, the aim of this thesis was to test the existing theory that a failed or...Show moreThis thesis is in accordance with the requirements for the completion of the International Relations Master Program. First, the aim of this thesis was to test the existing theory that a failed or collapsed regime is a necessary component for the presence of a change in witchcraft victimology from elderly women to urban children. This was done by analyzing the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic, Angola, and Ghana. The second chapter illustrates the state of the art of literature regarding the theories underlying this research, alternative explanations for a shift in victimology, and type of regimes present in African states. The third chapter explains the between-case multi-criterial analysis conducted to ascertain each case’s regime type and the presence (or lack thereof) of a shift in witchcraft victimology. The fourth chapter relays the results of the analysis where it was determined that out of the four cases, two were in accordance with the existing theory, and two refuted it. The fifth and final chapter concludes this thesis by critically examining the results and methodology and a conclusory statement claiming that a collapsed and failed regime is neither a necessary nor sufficient condition for the shift in victimology of witchcraft accusations from elderly women to urban children.Show less
The paper in question identifies the main strands in international relations theory on insurgent cohesion. It proceeds by testing these strands on an original history of the Kosovo Liberation Army...Show moreThe paper in question identifies the main strands in international relations theory on insurgent cohesion. It proceeds by testing these strands on an original history of the Kosovo Liberation Army from its conception to its victory in 1999. Ultimately, the paper examines the relation between the cohesion of the organization and its political choices and vice versa.Show less
This thesis researches the rise of China from a US political discourse perspective by taking a post-structuralist approach. It employs a critical discourse analysis to analyze elitist political...Show moreThis thesis researches the rise of China from a US political discourse perspective by taking a post-structuralist approach. It employs a critical discourse analysis to analyze elitist political discourse of the Obama administration for securitization moves of the rise of China. This research provides a unique perspective on the US-China security relationship and adds to the understanding how language shapes the meaning of security as well as foreign policy. This thesis shows that in discourse of the foreign policy executives of the Obama administration between May and October 2015 there are substantial instances in which the rise of China is being discussed as a threat to US economic and military securities. In line of this threat discourse, security measures are promoted and legitimized. These are among others: investing in military technology development, supporting the Trans-Pacific Partnership, promoting Chinese economic reforms, and investment in developing cyber capabilities.Show less
This research project focuses on the impact of big business in shaping foreign policy. Specifically, it examines the role of oligarchs in Ukraine in the events between 2010 and 2014. The two cases...Show moreThis research project focuses on the impact of big business in shaping foreign policy. Specifically, it examines the role of oligarchs in Ukraine in the events between 2010 and 2014. The two cases that are dealt with are the negotiations around the Association Agreement (AA) with the European Union and the 2014 conflicts in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine. The project uses a domestic structures approach as exists in Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), that emphasises the properties of political systems in determining the outcome of foreign policy. I argue that the political system as it has developed in Ukraine in recent years has given oligarchs the opportunities to influence Ukrainian foreign policy. In turn, they have used these opportunities to try to impact events around the Association Agreement negotiations and the 2014 conflicts and I conclude that they have been reasonably successful in doing so.Show less
There are many forms and types of culture - violent cultures, peaceful ones, democracy, authoritarian, civilian and military orientated ones among many more. This paper will pay attention to German...Show moreThere are many forms and types of culture - violent cultures, peaceful ones, democracy, authoritarian, civilian and military orientated ones among many more. This paper will pay attention to German military culture and how it shifted from an aggressive culture to a pacifistic one to a ‘defensive’ military culture since the 1990s. In particular, the text will focus on changes in recent time, studying the political incentives in the 1990s. Upon it, a new case study will be made looking at the 2010s and how the new White Papers in 2006 and 2016 have changed the official military culture.Show less
The year 2010 marks the beginning of a series of protests and uprisings in North Africa, which sparked a revolution that Western media would soon refer to as “The Arab Spring Uprisings”. The...Show moreThe year 2010 marks the beginning of a series of protests and uprisings in North Africa, which sparked a revolution that Western media would soon refer to as “The Arab Spring Uprisings”. The protests are mostly conducted by the youth of the MENA region who are discontent with the government. This generation realizes that due to unemployment, high inflation, poverty, human rights abuses and corruption they are caught in a vacuum, with no bright future with progress and evolution of their country and blame this on the Arab dictators. Tunisia and Morocco both experienced the Arab Spring differently in terms of violence by the state, but in both countries the protests are effective and big changes are promised. In Tunisia the Ben Ali Presidency is overthrown, while in Morocco King Mohammed VI remains king. Also, in both countries the desired democracy is established and democratic elections take place. However, the circumstances do not really change the civil lives. Unemployment remains a problem, police violence still occurs, the freedom and human rights are still violated and the rule of law does not change the situation in favour of the community. The frustrated youth seeks new ways to clear the void in their lives. In the same time period, the Islamic State is upcoming and recruits these frustrated youngsters. Especially Tunisian youngsters are susceptible for the promises of the Islamic State, as they are promised a future, with money, women and weapons. The official count of Tunisian foreign fighters is 6.000, while Morocco remains at the bottom of the list of foreign fighters, supplying officially 1.200 foreign fighters. The question is why there is such a big difference in number of supplied foreign fighters between these two countries. Trying to find an answer to this question this thesis inquires if the Arab Spring is the underlying cause. Therefore, this thesis’ research question is How have the results of the Arab Spring caused the extreme flow of frustrated Tunisian youth to the Islamic State, while a similar country as Morocco remains at the bottom of the list of Islamic State’s foreign fighters? The frustration-aggression theory of John Dollard and Robert E. Miller and colleagues is applied to explain the incentive of young Tunisians and Moroccans to go the Islamic State. By analysing the contemporary situation in Tunisia and Morocco in terms of unemployment, state repression and the influence of Saudi Arabia, this thesis concludes that the Arab Spring is the driver for the frustration amongst the youth, leading up to expression of aggression, wherefore the Islamic State provides space to utter it. Tunisia’s institutional failure created by the Arab Spring drives Tunisian youngsters frustrated and they are now either planning new uprisings, or are leaving for the Islamic State. The government is still dealing with the collapse of the institutions, therefore is not able to handle the frustrated youth. Morocco is not left in institutional chaos and can now focus on the terrorist threat, with a strong security system. It can brace the country against the Islamic State. According to this thesis, this is what makes the difference between the foreign fighters’ amount of Tunisia and Morocco.Show less
This thesis identifies the methods that have been successful in managing ethnopolitical conflicts by focusing on two cases in the European periphery. Conflict management and mediation literature...Show moreThis thesis identifies the methods that have been successful in managing ethnopolitical conflicts by focusing on two cases in the European periphery. Conflict management and mediation literature consists of extensive work on both Cyprus and Northern Ireland. Yet, the role of external actors and kin-states in peacemaking in both cases are understudied. By showing the importance of a superpower third party intervention, this thesis provides theoretical and policy insights on conflict management. Contrary to the general argument on the importance of impartiality of mediation, this study argues that powerful states, due to their coercive capacity and power, have an increased chance of success in peace negotiations. Furthermore, regardless of impartiality, it is found that the more proximity (cultural, political, and economic ties) the third party has with the parties involved, the more likely it is to have the leverage necessary to achieve a concession.Show less
The questions that remain in academia and the aim to conduct research on policymakers’ interests bring forth the following research question to better explain and understand U.S. foreign policy:...Show moreThe questions that remain in academia and the aim to conduct research on policymakers’ interests bring forth the following research question to better explain and understand U.S. foreign policy: Under the Obama administration, why did the U.S. not lead from behind in Egypt but did so in Libya and Syria, despite the similarities between the countries’ humanitarian crises and the U.S.’s broader interests in the Middle East? The research is structured as follows. The first chapter explores the extant literature and theories regarding U.S. military involvement. From this literature review, the subsequent chapter explains the factors that influence U.S. foreign policy and creates several models to steer the research at hand. After this, the research design addresses the data collection and analysis. This produces a tool upon which three chapters will be based that describe what led to the decision to lead from behind in Libya and Syria but not in Egypt. Following this, a comparative analysis is conducted to examine the differences in U.S. decision-making in regard to the three cases and is linked further to the academic literature. Upon this, several concluding remarks are provided, which pave the way for a discussion.Show less
The South China Sea became in a short time-span quickly heavy militarized. American and Chinese warships are increasingly active in these contested waters. While the G.W. Bush administration...Show moreThe South China Sea became in a short time-span quickly heavy militarized. American and Chinese warships are increasingly active in these contested waters. While the G.W. Bush administration focused militarily mostly on the Middle East, Obama re-shifted with the ‘pivot to Asia’ significant military attention to East Asia. This study aims to clarify to what extent Obama legitimized the military component in the pivot through securitization, as proposed by the Copenhagen School. Therefore, several American and Chinese policy documents and speeches are analyzed. The results indicate that, contrary to what the administration claimed, military policies were predominant in the pivot and ‘extraordinary measures’ compared to pre-existing policies. Furthermore, the Obama administration securitized Chinese policies regarding the South China Sea by portraying them as threatening U.S. security, and thus exceptional measures are required. In successfully securitizing the issue, the administration constructed a reality in which Beijing would have to respond, perceiving Washington uplifting the issue to a ‘top security issue’ as credible.Show less
In 2011, the new Obama administration made the official decision to rebalance America’s foreign policy. This policy has come to be known as the pivot or rebalance and signaled that the center of...Show moreIn 2011, the new Obama administration made the official decision to rebalance America’s foreign policy. This policy has come to be known as the pivot or rebalance and signaled that the center of the political and economic history of the 21st century is moving eastwards, with a re-newed focus towards the Asia-Pacific. With this shift Washington not only wants to benefit from the global geopolitical dynamics and economic growth, but it is also a result of China’s rising economic and military power. The South China Sea (SCS) is a place which is on the way to becoming the most contested body of water in the world with ongoing territorial disputes.Show less
