The heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims...Show moreThe heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of Russian foreign policy within the OSCE as well as Russia’s stance towards Euro-Atlantic security issues. It addresses the question how Russia discursively constructs its national identity within the OSCE in the period 2008-2018 and whether these discourses reveal any changes and/or contradictions. This thesis fills an important research gap, because no previous research has been done on Russia’s national identity within the OSCE. A comprehensive understanding of a state’s national identity in its foreign policy is relevant, as it provides insights into the ideological factors that drive how a state defines and pursues its national interests and subsequently foreign policy. A poststructuralist discourse analysis is conducted of the Russian statements delivered at the yearly OSCE Ministerial Council Meetings in the period 2008-2018. The discourse analysis provided insights into how Russia perceives and would like to promote itself within the OSCE. It demonstrated that Russia presents itself within the OSCE as a redeemer of OSCE unilateral actions and an advocate of multilateralism, as a leading, responsible and moral actor that wants to be perceived and treated as a great power, and lastly as a guardian of traditional values and the Russian Orthodox Church.Show less
This thesis explores the extent to which (de)secritization is present in ten speech acts enunciated by the EuVsDisinfo campaign and the Dutch Parliament. This fills a research gap on simultaneous ...Show moreThis thesis explores the extent to which (de)secritization is present in ten speech acts enunciated by the EuVsDisinfo campaign and the Dutch Parliament. This fills a research gap on simultaneous (de)securitization in this particular case study.Show less
Conflicts do not naturally attract the interest of policy makers nor do they naturally garner international recognition and attention. It is therefore essential to understand, if conflicts are...Show moreConflicts do not naturally attract the interest of policy makers nor do they naturally garner international recognition and attention. It is therefore essential to understand, if conflicts are ignored, how inattention manifests itself in inaction, what are the consequences of inattention and why does inattention exist. This thesis will seek to answer these questions within the primary confines of the conflict(s) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It will be argued that attention is a commodity predominantly distributed by policymakers and media organisations who may choose to pay attention or not. The consequences of inattention, such as increased levels of severity and violence, can therefore be attributed to those purposefully ignoring conflict.Show less
In this thesis, the background of the modern War on Drugs in the United States is explained. Guided by the research question: ‘’How did the American Elites in the United States use the existential...Show moreIn this thesis, the background of the modern War on Drugs in the United States is explained. Guided by the research question: ‘’How did the American Elites in the United States use the existential threat of drugs to securitize racial minorities between 1873 and 1938?’’, this thesis is written. By analyzing 12 articles of the New York Times, guided by the principles of the social constructivism and securitization, the thesis tries to prove racist motives in the War on Drugs. Between 1875 and 1937, three populations have been subject of racism, with drugs as an excuse to hide these racist motives. By linking opiates to the Chinese population, the American Elites found an excuse to discriminate the Chinese population by means of drugs legislation between 1875 and 1900. Shortly after, crack cocaine was heavily illegalised, since it could be linked to the Black population using it. From the 1920's on, Mexicans and Marijuana were closely framed together, before Marijuana legislation passed in Congress. This thesis proves that a collaboration between the New York Times and powerful actors in the United States resulted rather in a war on race instead of a War on Drugs.Show less
This thesis seeks to rectify the paradox of liberal state inclusion by assessing the impact of neoliberalism on the criteria for state inclusion, and thus the values that underpin Europeanness....Show moreThis thesis seeks to rectify the paradox of liberal state inclusion by assessing the impact of neoliberalism on the criteria for state inclusion, and thus the values that underpin Europeanness. This shall be done through a comparative study of the policies and praxis in Greece governing migrants on the two polar ends of the socioeconomic spectrum: asylum seekers migrating without state authorisation v. investor migrants passing through so-called ‘Golden Visa’ programmes. The former group is comprised of individuals forced to flee to survive, yet unable to migrate lawfully to a region where they may apply for asylum due to an absence of safe, legal channels. The latter, though they certainly may have non-economic incentives to migrate, ultimately purchase state inclusion as an asset which suits their needs. This comparison juxtaposes the readiness of the state to grant inclusion on humanitarian grounds against its willingness to grant inclusion as a function of the market.Show less
The African Union emerged in 2002, and presents itself to the world as Africa’s peace actor. Its expressions contain Pan-African ideals, and the conviction that peace and security are main...Show moreThe African Union emerged in 2002, and presents itself to the world as Africa’s peace actor. Its expressions contain Pan-African ideals, and the conviction that peace and security are main prerequisites for a prosperous future. Most AU-studies regard the question if AU’s peacekeeping efforts in interventions are successful, or investigate how states harm the continental endeavour. They conclude that the PSC lacks structural and incidental capacity and political willingness of states. This approach and outcome fits to the dominant realist approach, assuming that the African Union consists of power-seeking states, looking after their interests. This thesis contributes to this debate by utilizing another, constructivist approach. Role theory advances the understanding of this peace actor. The performance of the AU in peace policy, and the position of member states is investigated in the context of role-conception, role-contestation and role-expectations. In this thesis the AU’s role-conception, and how it develops, is central. The definition of this role was not given yet in the CA, although some ingredients where in there. The contestation by states and AU-institutions shaped the self-conception of the AU, and stimulated the policy of prevention. The expectations of others, in particular international financial partners, have had significant influence on the AU. The UN requires IOs to take responsibility in building peace in their region, and pays for AU-led missions. The political and social contexts cause, by a process of socialization, a dynamic and continuously developing self-conception of the AU. The current self-conception of the AU is being a comprehensive power. It deploys troops in African conflict areas as a military power. However, it performed also as a civil power by promoting and supporting CSOs; and even as normative power, by emphasizing the responsibilities for states to secure their people (policy of indifference).Show less
This thesis seeks to assess the foreign policy during the Kenyatta and Moi administration through role theory. Specifically, National Role Conception theory proposed by Holsti(1970) and a content...Show moreThis thesis seeks to assess the foreign policy during the Kenyatta and Moi administration through role theory. Specifically, National Role Conception theory proposed by Holsti(1970) and a content analysis of speeches are utilised to explain foreign policy behaviour in three distinct decades.Show less
The concept of hybrid warfare, regarding how ‘the West’ perceives Russia to employ it, is the core subject of this thesis, taking into account both the advantages and disadvantages of using such a...Show moreThe concept of hybrid warfare, regarding how ‘the West’ perceives Russia to employ it, is the core subject of this thesis, taking into account both the advantages and disadvantages of using such a term, explaining its specific elements when comparing it to other types of warfare, and looking into the politicisation of the term. Since many authors are of the opinion that hybrid warfare currently lacks a general theory which properly distinguishes it from other types of warfare, and that could serve to frame it in a meaningful manner, this thesis contributes to a critical understanding of the current security environment with regards to perceived Russian hybrid threats. As the concept of hybrid warfare has grown up to the extent where it can encompass virtually anything relating to conflict, this thesis emphasizes the cyber domain, alongside (mis)information operations as these can be considered as some of the most unconventional concepts in contemporary warfare.Show less
Concerns about environmental security appear to have become a global trend in the past decades. In the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt), which are characterized by the decades-long Israeli...Show moreConcerns about environmental security appear to have become a global trend in the past decades. In the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt), which are characterized by the decades-long Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the ongoing political instability accompanying it, an increase in such concerns has similarly been experienced, especially with regard to the topic of water security. Simultaneously, the oPt are characterized by a population growth rate that exceeds to a significant extent that of most other nations with a similar developmental status. This striking population growth rate can arguably be linked to the Palestinian nationalist movement and its surrounding discourse, which encourages high birth rates in order to win what is sometimes referred to as a ‘demographic battle’ between Israelis and Palestinians. The seemingly contradictory discourses, one regarding population growth and the other regarding environmental, specifically water security form the basis for the research topic of this thesis; the thesis conducts a Critical Discourse Analysis into water security discourse amongst Palestinian NGOs during the Second Intifada, a nationalist uprising taking place at the start of this century.Show less
Ever since the start of the war on terror, governments worldwide have struggled with countering the narratives that are spread by violent extremist organisations. Recent academic research has...Show moreEver since the start of the war on terror, governments worldwide have struggled with countering the narratives that are spread by violent extremist organisations. Recent academic research has produced several prescriptions that indicate what aspects potentially successful counter-narrative, alternative narrative and government strategic communications programmes need to possess. Testing the scholarly recommendations on target audience, message, messenger and medium to the actual policies of Malaysia and Indonesia, it becomes apparent that the policies of both states are partially congruent with the dominant ideas in the literature. However, what both Malaysia and Indonesia lack is a clear delineation of target audiences based on level of radicalisation, the provision of alternative things to do to complement their alternative narrative programmes and a comprehensive strategy to combine online and offline measures to achieve the most sustainable effect. Still, when comparing the respective policies of the two states, it must be noted that Malaysia is more congruent with the scholarly prescriptions than Indonesia. The most important differences between the two states are that the Malaysian authorities showcase a more sophisticated awareness and application of the relevant academic definitions and take a rather comprehensive approach to providing government strategic communications, the latter of which is practically lacking in the case of Indonesia.Show less
