Recent insights have revealed that engagement with civil society can reinforce the effectiveness of counter-terrorism efforts. This study investigated when and to what extend the Dutch security and...Show moreRecent insights have revealed that engagement with civil society can reinforce the effectiveness of counter-terrorism efforts. This study investigated when and to what extend the Dutch security and intelligence services (Algemene Inlichtingen- en Veiligheidsdienst (AIVD)) started to recognise the importance of civil society based on their annual reports since the attacks of 9/11 (2001-2017). A documentary analysis of sixteen annual reports and additional documents, was used to measure the development in the extent to which civil society has played a role in countering radicalisation and terrorism in the Netherlands. Based on the reports published online by the Dutch secret and intelligence services since 9/11, this thesis found that there is surprisingly limited attention and interest for civil society. This study contributes to the existing discourse on engagement of civil society and counter-terrorism efforts, by performing an empirical study of annual reports published by the Internal Security and Intelligence Services in the case of the Netherlands. In addition, the issue investigated in this study provides insight into a real potential for improving our understanding of democratic counter-terrorism.Show less
The primary goal of this article is to identify the correlation between European integration and the transition to renewable sources of electricity. Several factors, such as environmental concerns...Show moreThe primary goal of this article is to identify the correlation between European integration and the transition to renewable sources of electricity. Several factors, such as environmental concerns and depleting deposits of fossil-fuels, have made the European Union and its member-states decide that in order to secure accessible, cheap and stable electricity, new sources of energy are required. The premise of this article is that past and contemporary European integration in energy policies is built upon energy security in correlation with the specific characteristics of fossil-fuels. The result is a unique combination of international cooperation and national sovereignty which needs to be identified and understood. Therefore, this article will first of all identify past European energy policies based on fossil-fuels. These are the founding documents of the European Coal and Steel Community and the European response to the 1973 oil crisis. These events will be followed by an analysis of EU-wide energy policies in recent year. In the following chapter, several forms of energy which can act as a substitute to fossil-fuels in the EU will be analysed, to precisely define what their specific characteristics are and how they can potentially be used to reduce dependency on fossil-fuels. When this is done, the three case-studies of the Netherlands, Sweden and Bulgaria will serve as a description of how states are currently approaching the transition to renewable sources of electricity, and what kind of problems and limitations they identify. The decision has been made to identify three individual states instead of the EU as a whole because of the fact that each state is in a unique position and is therefore deserving of an individual analysis. This study is relevant because in contemporary academic literature, the topics of European integration in energy policies and renewable energy is often overlooked. Most experts either focus on identifying European policies or the technical aspects of renewable energy, but they are seldom combined. This is problematic because it is almost certain that an increased reliance on renewable energy will have profound effects on societies in EU-member states and on the way the EU is integrated regarding energy policies. The question is therefore not if there is a connection between European integration and renewable sources of electricity, but how the transition to renewable sources in electricity generation influences European Integration within the field of energy cooperation. This article is meant to form as a basis for further research in the connection between the transition to renewable sources of energy and European integration and will therefore be a combination of a description and an analysis.Show less
Contemporary violence in Mexico has moved beyond the state, making it harder to find solutions to the ever-growing number of homicides country the country. Public security in Mexico is now...Show moreContemporary violence in Mexico has moved beyond the state, making it harder to find solutions to the ever-growing number of homicides country the country. Public security in Mexico is now identified as having three particular problems: it is seen as illegitimate, infused with impunity, and distrusted by citizens. Altogether, this has instigated citizens to find a way to protect themselves from the rising violence without having to turn to the state; private security. Private military and security companies have boomed exactly within the time frame in which Mexico was quickly trying to adapt to a more democratic rule. Having to deal with this many changes within a short time frame, regulations for PMSCs have fallen short and thus created an informal market. Policing the private security market has failed, creating the opportunity for corruption: impunity prevails.Show less
Kosovo declared independence in 2008 and then started a process of re-imagining its national identity. But how do you produce an identity that will be inclusive and multi-ethnic in a post-conflict...Show moreKosovo declared independence in 2008 and then started a process of re-imagining its national identity. But how do you produce an identity that will be inclusive and multi-ethnic in a post-conflict society, where a fight for one’s ethnic identity equals a fight for personal rights and values? This thesis acknowledges the power of education in social reconstruction and, through a critical discourse analysis of Kosovo’s educational reforms after 2008, uncovers the negatives and positives of the discourse utilized in education. Therefore, this thesis contributes to ongoing research on the construction of the multi-ethnic identity. Additionally, this thesis confirms the hypothesis surrounding the fluidity of identities, the manipulation of discourse and the role of education in changing the perceptions of the young and subsequently future of the nation.Show less
Migration is an opportunity for Europe: an opportunity to increase economic and cultural development. This claim is made by the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE), a liberal party...Show moreMigration is an opportunity for Europe: an opportunity to increase economic and cultural development. This claim is made by the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE), a liberal party in the European Parliament. The ALDE claim to view migration as an advantage and not as a security threat, a view that xenophobic populistic parties in the European Parliament do have. There is a significant amount of academic research focused on the securitization of migration and the role of right-wing parties in the securitization process. However, research on the role of politically moderate parties in the securitization process is limited. That is why this thesis focuses on the ALDE. It seeks to examine the relation between centrist parties in the European Parliament and securitization theory by exploring how the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe securitized migration between 2011 and 2017.Show less
This thesis asks how the rise of religious Zionism after the Yom Kippur War (1973) can be explained. This rise is puzzling, because whereas religious Zionism became more popular after the Six Day...Show moreThis thesis asks how the rise of religious Zionism after the Yom Kippur War (1973) can be explained. This rise is puzzling, because whereas religious Zionism became more popular after the Six Day War (1967), this stemmed from the euphoria associated with the victory and the annexation of Jerusalem. The Yom Kippur War, in contrast, led to uncertainty, protests and delegitimation of the government. Why then, was religious Zionism not reduced in popularity but strengthened instead? Apart from researching this question, this thesis focuses on the relation between the religionization of Israeli society and the rise of religious Zionism. In the second chapter, the details of religionization in Israel are researched through statistics, secondary literature and primary sources. What aspects of society had been religionized, and in what ways? Chapter three analyzes the previous literature on the subject in light of the evidence found in the previous chapter, but also scrutinizes whether there actually was a causal relationship between religionization and religious Zionism. Although this research found no conclusive evidence on the causal relationship between religionization and the popularity of religious Zionism, it does confirm other reasons behind its rise. Firstly, religious Zionists framed themselves as the new generation of pioneers, in contrast to the Labor government which took the blame for the Yom Kippur War. Moreover, the religious Zionists downplayed the influence on earthly events on the redemption of the Jewish people, which made the movement able to survive the setback that the Yom Kippur War arguably formed. Finally, secular ethno-nationalists were also attracted to religious Zionism as they shared a common goal: keeping the occupied (or ‘liberated’) territories.Show less
Territorial power sharing is often used to diminish aspirations of independence among self-determination movements. The academic literature shows various perspectives on the effectiveness of...Show moreTerritorial power sharing is often used to diminish aspirations of independence among self-determination movements. The academic literature shows various perspectives on the effectiveness of territorial power sharing. It is often mentioned that territorial power sharing would have a short term stabilising effect, though aspirations of independence would revive on the long-term. This notion is examined through a discourse analysis combined with a content analysis in a case study of Northern Ireland and its self-determination movements. The research shows that the discourse on independence keeps decreasing over time. However, it seems like the struggle has been taken into the political arena, where a long-term plan for independence is evolving.Show less
This study has been conducted to examine the situation of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East, more closely Israel, Iran and Saudi Arabia. Starting from a neorealist perspective, the study...Show moreThis study has been conducted to examine the situation of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East, more closely Israel, Iran and Saudi Arabia. Starting from a neorealist perspective, the study argues that balance of power is needed in the region and nuclear proliferation may be a balancing tool. Consequently, the study hypothesizes that strategic stability, which is an outcome of nuclear deterrence, offers a solution to the to the situation among these three countries. Strategic stability can be achieved by nuclear proliferation therefore this study proposes that Iran and Saudi Arabia should proliferate to counterbalance Israel’s nuclear hegemony in the region. When strategic stability is achieved, then as the theory holds, nuclear powers will not confront each other and thus, the region will be more stable. The study utilizes the work of Waltz, Mearsheimer, Kissinger, Parsi, Walton, Long, Colby, and Steinbruner to name a few. The findings have revealed that in theory strategic stability would be a viable solution to overcome the current situation, however given the complexity of the region and the relations among these countries, it is very unlikely to be achieved.Show less
The Falklands War of 1982 was a historical anachronism, a territorial dispute from the 17th century that became an interstate conflict fought with modern weaponry. The War was brief and resulted in...Show moreThe Falklands War of 1982 was a historical anachronism, a territorial dispute from the 17th century that became an interstate conflict fought with modern weaponry. The War was brief and resulted in a decisive British victory, leading many to assume that it was an isolated incident, a flash in the pan that would fade into history, carrying little wider significance. In the modern day, 14 territories, including the Falkland Islands, remain constitutionally linked to the United Kingdom. They are now known as the UK or British Overseas Territories. These are relics of the colonial era that have not achieved independence either by choice or matters of practicality. This thesis proves that the 1982 Falklands War was a conflict of wider significance for the British Overseas Territories in several key areas affecting life and politics in these territories and in the UK itself. This is in contrast to writers who have argued the contrary, that the Falklands War was of no wider significance to Britain's interests overseas.Show less
This thesis is in accordance with the requirements for the completion of the International Relations Master Program. First, the aim of this thesis was to test the existing theory that a failed or...Show moreThis thesis is in accordance with the requirements for the completion of the International Relations Master Program. First, the aim of this thesis was to test the existing theory that a failed or collapsed regime is a necessary component for the presence of a change in witchcraft victimology from elderly women to urban children. This was done by analyzing the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic, Angola, and Ghana. The second chapter illustrates the state of the art of literature regarding the theories underlying this research, alternative explanations for a shift in victimology, and type of regimes present in African states. The third chapter explains the between-case multi-criterial analysis conducted to ascertain each case’s regime type and the presence (or lack thereof) of a shift in witchcraft victimology. The fourth chapter relays the results of the analysis where it was determined that out of the four cases, two were in accordance with the existing theory, and two refuted it. The fifth and final chapter concludes this thesis by critically examining the results and methodology and a conclusory statement claiming that a collapsed and failed regime is neither a necessary nor sufficient condition for the shift in victimology of witchcraft accusations from elderly women to urban children.Show less
The paper in question identifies the main strands in international relations theory on insurgent cohesion. It proceeds by testing these strands on an original history of the Kosovo Liberation Army...Show moreThe paper in question identifies the main strands in international relations theory on insurgent cohesion. It proceeds by testing these strands on an original history of the Kosovo Liberation Army from its conception to its victory in 1999. Ultimately, the paper examines the relation between the cohesion of the organization and its political choices and vice versa.Show less
This thesis researches the rise of China from a US political discourse perspective by taking a post-structuralist approach. It employs a critical discourse analysis to analyze elitist political...Show moreThis thesis researches the rise of China from a US political discourse perspective by taking a post-structuralist approach. It employs a critical discourse analysis to analyze elitist political discourse of the Obama administration for securitization moves of the rise of China. This research provides a unique perspective on the US-China security relationship and adds to the understanding how language shapes the meaning of security as well as foreign policy. This thesis shows that in discourse of the foreign policy executives of the Obama administration between May and October 2015 there are substantial instances in which the rise of China is being discussed as a threat to US economic and military securities. In line of this threat discourse, security measures are promoted and legitimized. These are among others: investing in military technology development, supporting the Trans-Pacific Partnership, promoting Chinese economic reforms, and investment in developing cyber capabilities.Show less
This research project focuses on the impact of big business in shaping foreign policy. Specifically, it examines the role of oligarchs in Ukraine in the events between 2010 and 2014. The two cases...Show moreThis research project focuses on the impact of big business in shaping foreign policy. Specifically, it examines the role of oligarchs in Ukraine in the events between 2010 and 2014. The two cases that are dealt with are the negotiations around the Association Agreement (AA) with the European Union and the 2014 conflicts in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine. The project uses a domestic structures approach as exists in Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), that emphasises the properties of political systems in determining the outcome of foreign policy. I argue that the political system as it has developed in Ukraine in recent years has given oligarchs the opportunities to influence Ukrainian foreign policy. In turn, they have used these opportunities to try to impact events around the Association Agreement negotiations and the 2014 conflicts and I conclude that they have been reasonably successful in doing so.Show less
There are many forms and types of culture - violent cultures, peaceful ones, democracy, authoritarian, civilian and military orientated ones among many more. This paper will pay attention to German...Show moreThere are many forms and types of culture - violent cultures, peaceful ones, democracy, authoritarian, civilian and military orientated ones among many more. This paper will pay attention to German military culture and how it shifted from an aggressive culture to a pacifistic one to a ‘defensive’ military culture since the 1990s. In particular, the text will focus on changes in recent time, studying the political incentives in the 1990s. Upon it, a new case study will be made looking at the 2010s and how the new White Papers in 2006 and 2016 have changed the official military culture.Show less
The year 2010 marks the beginning of a series of protests and uprisings in North Africa, which sparked a revolution that Western media would soon refer to as “The Arab Spring Uprisings”. The...Show moreThe year 2010 marks the beginning of a series of protests and uprisings in North Africa, which sparked a revolution that Western media would soon refer to as “The Arab Spring Uprisings”. The protests are mostly conducted by the youth of the MENA region who are discontent with the government. This generation realizes that due to unemployment, high inflation, poverty, human rights abuses and corruption they are caught in a vacuum, with no bright future with progress and evolution of their country and blame this on the Arab dictators. Tunisia and Morocco both experienced the Arab Spring differently in terms of violence by the state, but in both countries the protests are effective and big changes are promised. In Tunisia the Ben Ali Presidency is overthrown, while in Morocco King Mohammed VI remains king. Also, in both countries the desired democracy is established and democratic elections take place. However, the circumstances do not really change the civil lives. Unemployment remains a problem, police violence still occurs, the freedom and human rights are still violated and the rule of law does not change the situation in favour of the community. The frustrated youth seeks new ways to clear the void in their lives. In the same time period, the Islamic State is upcoming and recruits these frustrated youngsters. Especially Tunisian youngsters are susceptible for the promises of the Islamic State, as they are promised a future, with money, women and weapons. The official count of Tunisian foreign fighters is 6.000, while Morocco remains at the bottom of the list of foreign fighters, supplying officially 1.200 foreign fighters. The question is why there is such a big difference in number of supplied foreign fighters between these two countries. Trying to find an answer to this question this thesis inquires if the Arab Spring is the underlying cause. Therefore, this thesis’ research question is How have the results of the Arab Spring caused the extreme flow of frustrated Tunisian youth to the Islamic State, while a similar country as Morocco remains at the bottom of the list of Islamic State’s foreign fighters? The frustration-aggression theory of John Dollard and Robert E. Miller and colleagues is applied to explain the incentive of young Tunisians and Moroccans to go the Islamic State. By analysing the contemporary situation in Tunisia and Morocco in terms of unemployment, state repression and the influence of Saudi Arabia, this thesis concludes that the Arab Spring is the driver for the frustration amongst the youth, leading up to expression of aggression, wherefore the Islamic State provides space to utter it. Tunisia’s institutional failure created by the Arab Spring drives Tunisian youngsters frustrated and they are now either planning new uprisings, or are leaving for the Islamic State. The government is still dealing with the collapse of the institutions, therefore is not able to handle the frustrated youth. Morocco is not left in institutional chaos and can now focus on the terrorist threat, with a strong security system. It can brace the country against the Islamic State. According to this thesis, this is what makes the difference between the foreign fighters’ amount of Tunisia and Morocco.Show less
This thesis identifies the methods that have been successful in managing ethnopolitical conflicts by focusing on two cases in the European periphery. Conflict management and mediation literature...Show moreThis thesis identifies the methods that have been successful in managing ethnopolitical conflicts by focusing on two cases in the European periphery. Conflict management and mediation literature consists of extensive work on both Cyprus and Northern Ireland. Yet, the role of external actors and kin-states in peacemaking in both cases are understudied. By showing the importance of a superpower third party intervention, this thesis provides theoretical and policy insights on conflict management. Contrary to the general argument on the importance of impartiality of mediation, this study argues that powerful states, due to their coercive capacity and power, have an increased chance of success in peace negotiations. Furthermore, regardless of impartiality, it is found that the more proximity (cultural, political, and economic ties) the third party has with the parties involved, the more likely it is to have the leverage necessary to achieve a concession.Show less
