The African Union emerged in 2002, and presents itself to the world as Africa’s peace actor. Its expressions contain Pan-African ideals, and the conviction that peace and security are main...Show moreThe African Union emerged in 2002, and presents itself to the world as Africa’s peace actor. Its expressions contain Pan-African ideals, and the conviction that peace and security are main prerequisites for a prosperous future. Most AU-studies regard the question if AU’s peacekeeping efforts in interventions are successful, or investigate how states harm the continental endeavour. They conclude that the PSC lacks structural and incidental capacity and political willingness of states. This approach and outcome fits to the dominant realist approach, assuming that the African Union consists of power-seeking states, looking after their interests. This thesis contributes to this debate by utilizing another, constructivist approach. Role theory advances the understanding of this peace actor. The performance of the AU in peace policy, and the position of member states is investigated in the context of role-conception, role-contestation and role-expectations. In this thesis the AU’s role-conception, and how it develops, is central. The definition of this role was not given yet in the CA, although some ingredients where in there. The contestation by states and AU-institutions shaped the self-conception of the AU, and stimulated the policy of prevention. The expectations of others, in particular international financial partners, have had significant influence on the AU. The UN requires IOs to take responsibility in building peace in their region, and pays for AU-led missions. The political and social contexts cause, by a process of socialization, a dynamic and continuously developing self-conception of the AU. The current self-conception of the AU is being a comprehensive power. It deploys troops in African conflict areas as a military power. However, it performed also as a civil power by promoting and supporting CSOs; and even as normative power, by emphasizing the responsibilities for states to secure their people (policy of indifference).Show less
This thesis seeks to assess the foreign policy during the Kenyatta and Moi administration through role theory. Specifically, National Role Conception theory proposed by Holsti(1970) and a content...Show moreThis thesis seeks to assess the foreign policy during the Kenyatta and Moi administration through role theory. Specifically, National Role Conception theory proposed by Holsti(1970) and a content analysis of speeches are utilised to explain foreign policy behaviour in three distinct decades.Show less
The concept of hybrid warfare, regarding how ‘the West’ perceives Russia to employ it, is the core subject of this thesis, taking into account both the advantages and disadvantages of using such a...Show moreThe concept of hybrid warfare, regarding how ‘the West’ perceives Russia to employ it, is the core subject of this thesis, taking into account both the advantages and disadvantages of using such a term, explaining its specific elements when comparing it to other types of warfare, and looking into the politicisation of the term. Since many authors are of the opinion that hybrid warfare currently lacks a general theory which properly distinguishes it from other types of warfare, and that could serve to frame it in a meaningful manner, this thesis contributes to a critical understanding of the current security environment with regards to perceived Russian hybrid threats. As the concept of hybrid warfare has grown up to the extent where it can encompass virtually anything relating to conflict, this thesis emphasizes the cyber domain, alongside (mis)information operations as these can be considered as some of the most unconventional concepts in contemporary warfare.Show less
Concerns about environmental security appear to have become a global trend in the past decades. In the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt), which are characterized by the decades-long Israeli...Show moreConcerns about environmental security appear to have become a global trend in the past decades. In the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt), which are characterized by the decades-long Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the ongoing political instability accompanying it, an increase in such concerns has similarly been experienced, especially with regard to the topic of water security. Simultaneously, the oPt are characterized by a population growth rate that exceeds to a significant extent that of most other nations with a similar developmental status. This striking population growth rate can arguably be linked to the Palestinian nationalist movement and its surrounding discourse, which encourages high birth rates in order to win what is sometimes referred to as a ‘demographic battle’ between Israelis and Palestinians. The seemingly contradictory discourses, one regarding population growth and the other regarding environmental, specifically water security form the basis for the research topic of this thesis; the thesis conducts a Critical Discourse Analysis into water security discourse amongst Palestinian NGOs during the Second Intifada, a nationalist uprising taking place at the start of this century.Show less
Ever since the start of the war on terror, governments worldwide have struggled with countering the narratives that are spread by violent extremist organisations. Recent academic research has...Show moreEver since the start of the war on terror, governments worldwide have struggled with countering the narratives that are spread by violent extremist organisations. Recent academic research has produced several prescriptions that indicate what aspects potentially successful counter-narrative, alternative narrative and government strategic communications programmes need to possess. Testing the scholarly recommendations on target audience, message, messenger and medium to the actual policies of Malaysia and Indonesia, it becomes apparent that the policies of both states are partially congruent with the dominant ideas in the literature. However, what both Malaysia and Indonesia lack is a clear delineation of target audiences based on level of radicalisation, the provision of alternative things to do to complement their alternative narrative programmes and a comprehensive strategy to combine online and offline measures to achieve the most sustainable effect. Still, when comparing the respective policies of the two states, it must be noted that Malaysia is more congruent with the scholarly prescriptions than Indonesia. The most important differences between the two states are that the Malaysian authorities showcase a more sophisticated awareness and application of the relevant academic definitions and take a rather comprehensive approach to providing government strategic communications, the latter of which is practically lacking in the case of Indonesia.Show less
This master thesis discusses the securitization of the issue migration in Hungary. I argue that in 2017 the securitization discourse surrounding migration changed and the issue was reframed as a...Show moreThis master thesis discusses the securitization of the issue migration in Hungary. I argue that in 2017 the securitization discourse surrounding migration changed and the issue was reframed as a threat to the political security sector rather than a social and economic one. It focuses especially on the Soros plan and on the way the Hungarian government exploited this narrative to justify the country illiberal turn by creating a bridge that connected it to the issue of migration and how in turn this affected the protection of liberal freedom and rights in the country of Hungarian citizens and not citizens alike.Show less
The inconsistent application of the United Nations (UN) Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine has facilitated a discussion on the legitimacy of the principle. While the legal and ethical issues...Show moreThe inconsistent application of the United Nations (UN) Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine has facilitated a discussion on the legitimacy of the principle. While the legal and ethical issues concerning R2P have been examined in detail, scholars have mostly neglected its practical dimension. In order to interpret the inconsistent implementation of R2P, the cases of Syria and the Central African Republic (CAR) serve as a comparative framework. Thereby, this paper argues that the geopolitical interests of the Security Council’s permanent member states had a major impact on the adoption of R2P’s non-coercive and coercive instruments. From these case studies and the UNSC’s in/-action three implications for R2P are inferred: that the conditions for the successful implementation of the principle are dependent on the P5, that its application does not in fact delegitimise the doctrine and that a reformist approach can improve the inconsistencies in international response.Show less
When in 2013 the American public learned about the mass surveillance conducted by the National Security Agency, the US Intelligence Community’s public image was severely damaged. The disclosures of...Show moreWhen in 2013 the American public learned about the mass surveillance conducted by the National Security Agency, the US Intelligence Community’s public image was severely damaged. The disclosures of Edward Snowden represented the high-water mark of the problematic relationship between secrecy and privacy in the age of the Internet. With the creation of social media accounts, Privacy and Civil Liberties Offices and ‘Q&A’s about transparency, US intelligence agencies have attempted to regain the public’s trust. The paradox of secret agencies’ increasing online visibility and rhetoric on transparency has been left widely unconceptualised by scholars. This study examines how the US Intelligence Community attempts to re-establish its legitimacy by regaining power over the transparency discourse online. It further contributes to the literature by broadening the securitisation framework with the inclusion of silence in discussing when the secret state starts speaking.Show less
In 2001, an American EP-3 surveillance plane collided with a Chinese F-8 fighter jet over the South China Sea. In 2009, five Chinese vessels harassed an American reconnaissance boat called the...Show moreIn 2001, an American EP-3 surveillance plane collided with a Chinese F-8 fighter jet over the South China Sea. In 2009, five Chinese vessels harassed an American reconnaissance boat called the Impeccable. Both incidents greatly affected the bilateral relations between China and the United States. This thesis analyzes the statements made by Chinese citizen leadership and PLA commanders to find out whether China has been getting more assertive in the South China Sea in the first decade of this century. This thesis argues in the end that this is not the case. China has, looking at their statements, not adopted a new assertive strategy concerning the South China Sea between 2000-2010.Show less
This thesis investigates how European security and defence shapes German security and defence policy thinking today; and has policy on a European level and the concept of responsibility within...Show moreThis thesis investigates how European security and defence shapes German security and defence policy thinking today; and has policy on a European level and the concept of responsibility within Germany led to the development of military capabilities within the German armed forces. This paper loosely uses discourse analysis to identify motivations and ideas that have shaped German security policy. The paper begins with establishing the theoretical background of European security and defence thinking and illustrates how this is explained in constructivist and realist schools of thought. The next two sections outline the development of German policy from the Cold War till the Crimean conflict. It highlights Germany’s involvement in EU policy, conflict resolution, and the motivations within German policy thinking. The final sections directly cover the Ukrainian crisis and the rhetoric within political circles in Germany and the policy of the EU formed by the European Global Strategy in 2016. The importance of Germany in European security and defence cannot be overstated given the economic clout and the geopolitical situation in and around Europe today.Show less
The debate on climate change and migration has been a recurring theme in recent public discourse. Henceforth, through the utilisation of (de) securitization framework, this thesis observes the...Show moreThe debate on climate change and migration has been a recurring theme in recent public discourse. Henceforth, through the utilisation of (de) securitization framework, this thesis observes the perceptions of climate change and migration by the EU and Australia towards climate induced migration and the process of securitizing it as a threat. Consequently, it creates awareness and urges policy makers to realise the gravity of the issue and understand climate induced migrants as vulnerable populations. Hence, employing the process of de-securitization. Finally, by facilitating the process of de-securitization of climate induced migration, progress towards recognising ‘Climate refugees’ in the future could occur.Show less
This thesis has examined the coherence of U.S. foreign policy toward NATO during the Trump presidency. It has compared the political narrative, the policy enunciation, and the policy implementation...Show moreThis thesis has examined the coherence of U.S. foreign policy toward NATO during the Trump presidency. It has compared the political narrative, the policy enunciation, and the policy implementation of the United States toward NATO. As a result, this thesis was able to compare and analyze the political narrative and the actual policy of the United States toward NATO during the Trump presidency.Show less
