This paper aims to explore how the Sino-Afghan relationship can be defined in terms of benevolence versus exploitation, and how the non-interference policy plays a role in this relationship. The...Show moreThis paper aims to explore how the Sino-Afghan relationship can be defined in terms of benevolence versus exploitation, and how the non-interference policy plays a role in this relationship. The paper does this through a positivist analysis of three dimensions of the Sino-Afghan relationship: security, economic, and political relations. The concluding paragraph of the thesis states that the findings are in line with the idea of developmentalism.Show less
Since Al Jazeera was established, it has had an impact on Qatar’s diplomatic relations, in particular since the Arab Spring. The tensions between Qatar and the other Gulf countries, however, came...Show moreSince Al Jazeera was established, it has had an impact on Qatar’s diplomatic relations, in particular since the Arab Spring. The tensions between Qatar and the other Gulf countries, however, came to a peak during the 2014 and the 2017 Gulf crises. Remarkable, is the central role of Al Jazeera in in these diplomatic crises, while the network is independent and only partly funded by the Qatari government. Therefore, this thesis researches the impact of Al Jazeera on Qatar’s foreign relations. Through within-case analysis and process tracing this thesis illustrates how Al Jazeera, since its establishment, has evolved into a global news network that is considered highly controversial among the other Gulf states. By combining these results with the theories of the CNN-effect and the Al Jazeera effect, this thesis has been able to identify possible reasons why Al Jazeera has been a subject in these diplomatic crises. Lastly, this thesis also proposes an addition to the theory of multilevel analysis that allows for more accurate research into global news networks.Show less
Due to several developments in modern warfare and international relations, proxy warfare has become a more recurring phenomenon in the past decades. However, due to the increasingly aggressive...Show moreDue to several developments in modern warfare and international relations, proxy warfare has become a more recurring phenomenon in the past decades. However, due to the increasingly aggressive behaviour of China and Russia, it also seems that inter-state conflicts and peer-competitor rivalry is making a return to international relations. This thesis investigates what the USAF considers to be the future focal point in conflicts, proxy warfare or inter-state conflicts, by analysing three doctrines and three strategic vision documents. It concludes that while the doctrines adhere to contemporary tactical considerations, strategic vision documents which set out long-term prioritisation emphasise inter-state conflicts. This presents two contradicting narratives for USAF force projection.Show less
This thesis examines the influence of conflict in Afghanistan on Russia’s security hegemony in Central Asia. By considering Central Asia a Regional Security Complex, and by viewing Russia’s role...Show moreThis thesis examines the influence of conflict in Afghanistan on Russia’s security hegemony in Central Asia. By considering Central Asia a Regional Security Complex, and by viewing Russia’s role within it through the theoretical framework of negotiated hegemony, this thesis compares the role Russia played in the region in the timeframe from the fall of the Soviet Union to 2001 with the role it played following the US invasion of Afghanistan. It is argued that Central Asia started a successful process of reducing Russia’s influence by transforming its RSC from a unipolar one dominated by Russia, to a centered one where the Central Asian Republics (CARs) themselves defined the security sphere. This long-term process was temporarily abandoned by jumping on the short-term opportunity of counterbalancing Russia’s security hegemony with that of the US from 2001 onward. Disappointed by both Russia’s inability to deal with the Afghan conflict, and the US’ disinterest in pursuing a more active role in the particularities of the Central Asian RSC, the CARs re-entered negotiations with Russia over its security hegemony; strengthened this time, however, by their own proven capabilities and sovereignty.Show less
The concept of European Strategic Autonomy (ESA) was first introduced in the EU’s Global Strategy of 2016 and alludes to a stronger role of the EU in international politics, to consequently achieve...Show moreThe concept of European Strategic Autonomy (ESA) was first introduced in the EU’s Global Strategy of 2016 and alludes to a stronger role of the EU in international politics, to consequently achieve more autonomy in its foreign and security policy. For the European Union (EU), 5G is an integral determinant of strategic autonomy, having implications for security and economic policy (a foreign policy tool). The question that this research study has attempted to answer is to what extent has the German discourse on 5G (from 2018 until 2020) shaped the development of the EU’s strategic autonomy. The independent variables identified in the literature review (which explain the security and economic implications of 5G, that can shape the development of ESA), were explored through the German discourse. This discourse is particularly important since Germany is one of the leading countries in the EU and the EU’s foreign and security policy depends strongly on Germany’s decisions. Since ESA depends on the legitimacy of the EU member states and the approach to 5G remains a national decision, analysing the national discourse of a member state made more sense than looking at the EU’s discourse on 5G. The results of the discourse analysis show that the development of ESA has been slightly strengthened.Show less
The use of excessive force by police officers and how the police organisations deal with political demonstrations has been widely debated. With a recent renewed interest in police militarisation,...Show moreThe use of excessive force by police officers and how the police organisations deal with political demonstrations has been widely debated. With a recent renewed interest in police militarisation, this research presents a case study of the British and French police organisations and how they have evolved to deal with political demonstrations. By creating a theoretical framework around the role of culture in police organisations, an analysis of the organisational culture of these police organisations and how they respond to political demonstrations was examined. The case study focuses on a constructivist approach to how the traditions and identities were created from the evolution of what are the modern police forces in the UK and France. This approach also analysed how these police organisations dealt with threats such as terrorism and public disorder and what norms and values were created from this. The case study examines two of the major events in the UK and France. The G20 Summit protests in London in 2009 and the 2018 Yellow Vest Movement in France. The police organisation and response to these events was examined through the identities, norms and values that have been created in the British and French police forces. These identities, norms and values continue to shape the police response to political demonstration and the public view the role of the police and the overall debate on police militarisation.Show less
In 2008, the World Bank developed the State and Peacebuilding Fund (SPF) to deal with post-conflict countries. The financial institution has been involved in post-conflict reconstruction since the...Show moreIn 2008, the World Bank developed the State and Peacebuilding Fund (SPF) to deal with post-conflict countries. The financial institution has been involved in post-conflict reconstruction since the late nineties. However, its adoption of the political concepts of state and peacebuilding seems to represent a shift towards a comprehensive position of the World Bank regarding post-conflict situations (World Bank, 1998, p. 4). The emphasis is put on the political aspects of state and peacebuilding as they imply the building of ‘institutional capacity and legitimacy’ and the management of ‘the internal and external stresses that increase vulnerability to conflict’ in ‘fragile and conflict-prone and -affected situations’ (World Bank, 2019a). At the same time, the World Bank has reminded the importance of not interfering in politics and the necessity to stick to its role of economic actor as stated in its Articles of Agreement. The organisation appears torn between a supposedly comprehensive approach concerning state and peacebuilding and its economic mandate. The evolution of the paradoxical discourse of the World Bank on post-conflict reconstruction is therefore considered in this thesis by examining the power-knowledge and the associate regime of truth at stake in the production of its discourse. The method selected is a critical discourse analysis and the SPF is the case-study for this research. This thesis allows to unpack the problematic handling of state and peacebuilding by the World Bank.Show less
The 'training and equipping trusted local forces’, also known as Security Force Assistance (SFA), became a central component in many global conflict in the modern era all around the world. The...Show moreThe 'training and equipping trusted local forces’, also known as Security Force Assistance (SFA), became a central component in many global conflict in the modern era all around the world. The indirect way of engaging in conflict is, according to policy makers, today’s panacea to ‘achieve a more sustainable victory’ while ‘it won’t require us sending a new generation (...) overseas to fight and die for another decade on foreign soil’. The unfortunate reality is, however, that little is known about the sustainability of this military strategy. Available studies on SFA predominantly assess the effectiveness on the battlefield, but there is surprisingly little academic research – let alone public debate – on its long-term effects and the kind of security it creates. As a first attempt to rectify this relative inattention in the literature, this study investigates the Mosul Offensive to understand how and with what effect the U.S.-led Global Coalition against Daesh tried to govern security outcomes in Iraq through the SFA programs that were central to Operation Inherent Resolve between 2014 and 2018.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to establish a better understanding of the inner workings of frozen conflicts, by addressing the question of how the conflicts in Moldova and Georgia in the early 90’s...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to establish a better understanding of the inner workings of frozen conflicts, by addressing the question of how the conflicts in Moldova and Georgia in the early 90’s became frozen. The current comprehension of frozen conflicts, both in academia and policy-making circles is rather elusive, as the conflicts are often seen through a mono-theoretical lens, overlooking the potential interaction between different factors on different levels. The three main theoretical perspectives on frozen conflicts; the geopolitical, ethno-nationalist and political-economic perspective, are assessed, after which an explanatory variable is derived from each one. Subsequently, the cases of Moldova and Georgia are analyzed alongside these variables, to determine to what extent each mechanism plays a role in the development of frozen conflicts. A qualitative comparative analysis is carried out to assess the interrelation between variables, across the three different phases of a frozen conflict. The results of this research show that the frozen conflicts in Moldova and Georgia are neither solely ethnic nor geopolitical in nature. Ethnic tensions interplayed with geopolitical motives, which are substantiated by criminal economic incentives. Therefore, the multi-layered nature of frozen conflicts cannot fully be understood through a monotheoretical lens.Show less
Using a number of existing datasets, this study seeks to illuminate the relation between states’ institutional configuration – degrees of democracy, militarism, and personalism – their trajectory...Show moreUsing a number of existing datasets, this study seeks to illuminate the relation between states’ institutional configuration – degrees of democracy, militarism, and personalism – their trajectory either toward or away from democratic governance, and their propensity to terminate ongoing conflict against insurgent enemies. The study finds a negative and significant correlation between nonviolent conflict cessation and both democratisation and authoritarian consolidation. Disaggregating the data by regime type reveals that democracies and machine-type autocracies are less susceptible to this effect than either military and personalist regimes. Finally, further inspection of the data reveals that both regime type and a number of other variables act as proxies for regimes’ internal stability and the absence of intra-elite rivalry. The finding, consistent with much of the existing literature, is that intra-elite rivalry drives regimes and leaders to continue fighting, and diminishes the probability of negotiated settlement.Show less
One of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked...Show moreOne of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked humanitarian aid from entering its territory, based on the principle of sovereignty. Theoretically, international aid organizations have impartial access to deliver humanitarian aid when necessary, based on the fundamental humanitarian principles. Paradoxically, these fundamental principles have limited aid organizations to execute their work and compromises needed to be made with the Assad government in order to obtain access. Ever since the beginning of the conflict, humanitarian aid has been unequally distributed via government channels between government- and opposition controlled areas in Syria. It has become a strategy of warfare for the Assad regime, perpetuating violence and advancing legitimization and support for the nation’s regime. Simultaneously, international aid organizations created cross-border operations in order to circumvent this demonstration of the politicization of humanitarianism. This thesis extensively addresses this phenomenon and its consequences, by examining the central research question: To what extent has the politicization of humanitarianism impeded neutral emergency food aid delivery by international aid organizations in the Syrian conflict between 2011 and 2019?Show less
Throughout the last decades, the UN has applied various efforts in order to bring an end to colonialism, and they have done so through different approaches. This thesis aims to answer the question:...Show moreThroughout the last decades, the UN has applied various efforts in order to bring an end to colonialism, and they have done so through different approaches. This thesis aims to answer the question: ‘How effective has United Nations been in achieving decolonization in the cases of Tokelau and Puerto Rico?’. Three main arguments run through this thesis. First, it argues that the UN engages in norm creation through affirming resolutions and publishing visiting reports, and that this is one of the most effective instruments in achieving decolonization in the cases of Tokelau and Puerto Rico. Second, it demonstrates that this norm creation has an effect on the international reputation on the administering states of New Zealand and the US, which affected their cooperation. Lastly, it challenges the current UN framework on decolonization and includes critique on this framework in order to apply this to the case studies and display the consequent ramifications.Show less
Historically, Libya has played a crucial part in Italian foreign policy inside the Middle East- and North-African (MENA) region. Serving as the prime supplier of fossil fuels, Libya has also long...Show moreHistorically, Libya has played a crucial part in Italian foreign policy inside the Middle East- and North-African (MENA) region. Serving as the prime supplier of fossil fuels, Libya has also long functioned as a transit point for migrants taking the route toward the European continent. To safeguard both energy security and irregular migratory flows, Italy has invested in creating a mutually beneficial relationship with Libyan leader Moammar al-Ghaddafi. The 2011 Arab Spring would trouble these bonds, as Ghaddafi's reign was challenged - and ultimately toppled. Italian foreign policy-making has been described as notoriously self-contradicting, inefficient and serving self-interest at best. To test these theories, the events and resulting Italian foreign policy during the Libyan Revolution in 2011 serve as a case study. It will be shown that Italian foreign policy produced some tangible short-term results, especially in terms of energy security. Nonetheless, the processes that preceded these results were characterized by periods of uncertainty in Italian foreign policy making. Indeed, several actions of the Italian government proved to acknowledge the 'propensity for self-contradiction' that has long characterized Italian foreign policy-making in International Relations theory.Show less
Territorial disputes have since long been a source of conflict. Still today, economic, political and security interests lead to rising tensions in areas with disputed territories. To date, two of...Show moreTerritorial disputes have since long been a source of conflict. Still today, economic, political and security interests lead to rising tensions in areas with disputed territories. To date, two of these hot areas are the South China Sea (SCS) and the waters of the Arctic region. In the SCS, Chinese claims and activities stand out. In the past years, China has not only continued its, by the international society regarded unlawful, claims of waters, islands and reefs in the area, it has also started to build islands on which it engages in military activities. Initially, the United States (US) was not keen on getting involved in the numerous disputes over territory and adopted a policy of refusing to comment on or participate in any of the clashes. Lately however, the US has expressed its disapproval of Chinese activities and it has transferred vessels to the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) states to contain the Chinese threat in the area (Yoon, 2015). Free access to the SCS is of high importance to the US, both economically as well as geopolitically (Bouchat, 2014), and it considers the respect for international law a national interest (Landler, 2010; Lajeunesse & Huebert, 2019). In addition to the SCS, the Arctic region too has been the scene of controversy for the states surrounding it (Birdwell, 2016). Due to the effects of climate change, the Arctic is now an area with ample opportunities and potential for the winning of natural resources (Conley & Kraut, 2011). Clearly, high economic and strategic interests are at stake in the changing polar region. The effects of climate change have made the Arctic Circle into a centre of geopolitics and territorial disputes with direct implications for US security. Despite these high stakes, the US has mostly lagged behind on other states. The position of the US in the disputes in these highly strategic areas is noteworthy. It raises the question why the hegemon of this current, unipolar world, does not take on a more active and assertive role. If it wants to maintain its unique position, why does it seem as is if it has been reluctant to address these possible threats to its position?Show less
