Abstract For the majority of its history, the Just War Tradition (JWT) has attempted to limit the occurrence of violence in the violent world it found itself. Today, out of noble causes, the same...Show moreAbstract For the majority of its history, the Just War Tradition (JWT) has attempted to limit the occurrence of violence in the violent world it found itself. Today, out of noble causes, the same tradition is becoming more interventionist by incentivizing the market for force in which Private Military and Security Companies have carved out a role for themselves. In this thesis the origin of the normalization of private violence in JWT will be accounted for and how it allows for more violence, rather than limiting it. These so-called PMSCs will be analyzed in two ways. The theological origin of arguments permitting their usage will be accounted for before analyzing the risks that comes with this. The latter part will be the main focus and is done by following the principles laid out by Aquino: 1) legitimate authority, 2) just cause, and 3) right intention. By looking at the state of the art of PMSC ethics, the debates in contemporary JWT will be accused of being disagreements in details, and not concerned with the theological foundations of their convictions. Namely, by accounting for the privatized turn JWT took, I will show how a cosmopolitan politics is causing this relaxing of norms and is at risk of being permissible to increases of violence. This originated in Pelagian theology who argued for the possibility of human perfection through social and moral progress. Kantian liberalism, the modern equivalent of this belief, has prioritized just cause over other principles and moves the JWT away from one of its core functions; namely, limiting the destructiveness of war. The other core function is to limit injustices, which has devolved into the attempt to eradicate all injustices and overturns ethical positions on private violence.Show less
This thesis uses explaining-outcome process tracing to analyse why the Islamic Republic of Iran failed to build a long-standing proxy ally among the Shiite and Hazara groups of Afghanistan as it...Show moreThis thesis uses explaining-outcome process tracing to analyse why the Islamic Republic of Iran failed to build a long-standing proxy ally among the Shiite and Hazara groups of Afghanistan as it did in other countries during the 1980s and 1990s.Show less
Disruptions to the routine operations of ICTs in conflict situations have made cybersecurity come to ascend a prominent position in the legal and political decision-makeing of the EU....Show moreDisruptions to the routine operations of ICTs in conflict situations have made cybersecurity come to ascend a prominent position in the legal and political decision-makeing of the EU. Europeanization has been used to describe the processes by which EU decision-makeing manifests itself in the logic of, for example, national policy outcomes of those processes (see Radaelli, 2012, p. 1 as cited by Fererro & Ackrill, 2016, p.880). The literature has pointed to the significant amount of soft law which the EU has issued to regulate cybersecurity. However, per definition EU member states are not legally obliged to implement soft law. Accordingly, by utilizing Europeanization as a conceptual frame, this thesis has sought to answer the question: To what extent has non-legally binding EU soft law on cybersecurity influenced the making of the national cybersecurity policies of its MS over time? To address the research, question the thesis has taken a small-scale empirical mixed-method approach by analyzing the extent to which specifically, Germany's and Slovakia's national cybersecurity strategies have harmonized over time toward the 2020 EU cybersecurity strategy (EUCSS) as a consequence of using the soft law document in their stagey-making. The analysis suggest that the EU cybersecurity strategy did influence the national strategy-making, but that the degree of harmonization depended on the extent to which the EUCSS aligned with national ambitions and priorities. To this end, the member states actively strived to 'Europeanize' their national cybersecurity strategies.Show less
This thesis aimed to establish how Gibridnaya Voyna became a popular framework in Russia to describe Russia’s relationship with the West. Using the process-tracing method, this thesis traced the...Show moreThis thesis aimed to establish how Gibridnaya Voyna became a popular framework in Russia to describe Russia’s relationship with the West. Using the process-tracing method, this thesis traced the two main aspects of the Gibridnaya Voyna framework, NATO expansion and color revolutions, throughout major Russian documents from 1991 to 2016.Show less
Cyberspace is increasingly establishing itself as a domain where malicious actors can achieve quick, asymmetric strategic gains. In response to this trend, many Western states are increasingly...Show moreCyberspace is increasingly establishing itself as a domain where malicious actors can achieve quick, asymmetric strategic gains. In response to this trend, many Western states are increasingly turning to offensive cyber operations to ward off or respond to these events. However, a key question dominating this turn by the West is how ethical, or just, conflict by the West in cyberspace really is. Using a Just War Theory lens, this thesis explores the extent to which modern, Western cyber operation abide by the Jus Ad Bellum principles of Just War Theory. Ultimately, this thesis finds that many Western cyber operations do not abide by an idealized ‘gold standard’ of JWT for cyber: however, there is room for improvement in the future.Show less
This thesis is focussing on the experiences and memories of the Chilean exiles created by the Pinochet regime and how they are represented in the memory culture and national story of Pinochet’s...Show moreThis thesis is focussing on the experiences and memories of the Chilean exiles created by the Pinochet regime and how they are represented in the memory culture and national story of Pinochet’s Chile from 1989 till 2017.Show less
A research on the strategic culture and transatlantic security policies in first decade post-9/11. This thesis tries to answer the question to what extent the change in strategic culture and the...Show moreA research on the strategic culture and transatlantic security policies in first decade post-9/11. This thesis tries to answer the question to what extent the change in strategic culture and the resulting security policies of the EU and the US changed between 2002 and 2010; and how this shaped the transatlantic relationship in the post 9/11 era. The thesis concludes that there was a change in the strategic culture of the United States due to the external-shock caused by the 9/11 attacks on American soil; this shock was not experienced in the European Union. Hence, the security policies of the two powers on both sides of the Atlantic were not in line with one another in the period following 9/11. A decade later, the strategic culture of the United States shifted towards that of the European Union.Show less
Territorial power sharing is often used to diminish aspirations of independence among self-determination movements. The academic literature shows various perspectives on the effectiveness of...Show moreTerritorial power sharing is often used to diminish aspirations of independence among self-determination movements. The academic literature shows various perspectives on the effectiveness of territorial power sharing. It is often mentioned that territorial power sharing would have a short term stabilising effect, though aspirations of independence would revive on the long-term. This notion is examined through a discourse analysis combined with a content analysis in a case study of Northern Ireland and its self-determination movements. The research shows that the discourse on independence keeps decreasing over time. However, it seems like the struggle has been taken into the political arena, where a long-term plan for independence is evolving.Show less
