The thesis seeks to explain the strategic motivation behind international terrorism by focusing on the audience of the violence. Specifically, it aims to explain the political motivations that...Show moreThe thesis seeks to explain the strategic motivation behind international terrorism by focusing on the audience of the violence. Specifically, it aims to explain the political motivations that drive terrorist leaders to plan or associate themselves with such attacks. The sociopolitical benefits that a terrorist organization achieves by conducting a well-organized terrorist attack can tremendously advance the organization’s interests, therefore it is important to identify these benefits and motivations.Show less
The reassessment of Global South contribution to International Relations both in the past and present time, is a crucial challenge for academic research nowadays, constituting an issue that is...Show moreThe reassessment of Global South contribution to International Relations both in the past and present time, is a crucial challenge for academic research nowadays, constituting an issue that is worthy of interest and analysis for its implications on History and International Relations. This work aims to decentralize International Relations and make it less Eurocentric. To do so, the author reassessed the role of Latin American thinkers and diplomats in Human Rights theorization in the 1940s, to show that crucial theoretical developments were made outside the Global North. In detail, this thesis argues that the region has actively participated in the construction of the language of human rights instead of simply receiving ideas and concepts from the Global North. It focuses on the Larreta Doctrine, a doctrine developed in Uruguay that tackled multilateralism, sovereignty and the violation of human rights. Eduardo Rodriguez Larreta, then Uruguayan Foreign Minister, theorized this Doctrine in 1945, in response to the dualism between sovereignty and international Rights protection hardly felt in the Latin American Region. So, Larreta thought that the idea that non-intervention in states’ domestic affairs is conditional to the respect for citizens’ fundamental rights. Moreover, the Uruguayan Foreign Minister stated that a precommitment regime and collective intervention are not a violation of sovereignty.Show less
This thesis discusses the potential connections between hate crime and xenophobia in the United States during the first two years of Donald Trump’s presidency. Drawing upon the academic debate on...Show moreThis thesis discusses the potential connections between hate crime and xenophobia in the United States during the first two years of Donald Trump’s presidency. Drawing upon the academic debate on violence and the potential connections between different levels of violence, this thesis aims to contribute by researching the potential connections between a form of structural violence and a form direct violence. Through an analysis of White House documents and the FBI’s hate crime statistics, this study has sought to discuss the influence of Trump’s political xenophobia towards Arabs and Latinos on the number of hate crime incidents with either Arab or Latino victims. The case studies have illustrated that there is clear correlation between political xenophobia and hate crime towards Arabs and Latinos in the US, as the number of hate crimes towards these group increased after periods of clear xenophobic sentiment from the Trump administration. This thesis, therefore, argues in favor of a broader approach to the concept of violence, as acknowledging the true width of violence in societies is the only way to eradicate it.Show less
With terrorist attacks still on the rise and several terrorist organizations marginalized, ‘lone wolf terrorism’ and ‘leaderless jihad’ are becoming one of the main strategies adopted by al-Qaeda....Show moreWith terrorist attacks still on the rise and several terrorist organizations marginalized, ‘lone wolf terrorism’ and ‘leaderless jihad’ are becoming one of the main strategies adopted by al-Qaeda. Instead of living and training physically with al-Qaeda, more and more individuals are radicalized in their own country. With an average age of 26, al-Qaeda related lone-wolf terrorists are increasingly recruited online. The accelerating use of the Internet to radicalize and mobilize youth has become crucial for al-Qaeda. Not only does al-Qaeda launch, use and engage with several Jihadist websites, forums and social media, the use of gamification to engage with aspiring jihadists and to encourage violence is one of their newest strategies. And a very savvy one as well (Brachman & Levine, 2011). Where gamification is primarily used online, al-Qaeda uses gamification language offline as well. However, little to no research has been conducted considering the use of gamification language in al-Qaeda’s magazine Inspire. Even though al-Qaeda’s power has been weakened ever since the death of Osama bin Laden, a recent UN report of 2019 still warns that “Al-Qaeda senior leaders are strengthening the network’s global command structure and continuing to encourage attacks against the West” (US Intelligence Community, 2019, p.12). This research examines this question using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and gamification theory. Through this multimodal approach, this thesis analyses how al-Qaeda uses power relations through gamification language in order to create social identities and radicalize and recruit lone wolf terrorists.Show less
In this dissertation, an integrated theory is proposed in order to test why authoritarian regimes engage in mass killings during counterinsurgency operations. The current state of research is...Show moreIn this dissertation, an integrated theory is proposed in order to test why authoritarian regimes engage in mass killings during counterinsurgency operations. The current state of research is limited, scholars who studied the phenomenon either stuck to explaining parts or lacked the necessary overview of factors that can lead to mass killings in counterinsurgency operations. Within this research, three strands of literature that relate to either mass killings, authoritarian counterinsurgency or counterinsurgency in general are proposed that provide competing answers to the research objective. Subsequently, this integrated body of literature is applied to three cases: Iraq, Guatemala and the Soviet Union. The findings show that the threats stemming from the insurgents, and in this conceptualization more specifically the nature of the insurgency, the regime crisis as a result of the insurgency and the dysfunctionality of previous conventional measures provide the most feasible explanations for why authoritarian regimes engage in mass killings. Additional value is attributed to both veto player interests and elite ideology in determining authoritarian decision-making in the light of draconian counterinsurgency measures. The research moreover shows that the respective reasons to engage in mass killings influence and sometimes enforce each other.Show less
The thesis has investigated the use of child soldiers by the actors involved in the decades-long conflict of Somalia. The thesis has reviewed the main academic debates on child soldiering and...Show moreThe thesis has investigated the use of child soldiers by the actors involved in the decades-long conflict of Somalia. The thesis has reviewed the main academic debates on child soldiering and described the theoretical foundations to better comprehend the answer to the research question posed. In the analysis, the different rationales for each side to the conflict to explain their use and recruitment of child soldiers were examined. Finally, the thesis argued that among the several factors that seem to be valid in explaining the phenomenon of child soldiering in Somalia, only two are found to be true for both the extremist organization al-Shabaab and the government, with their allied forces. First, children may voluntarily join the army because they lack alternatives outside of the armed groups. In fact, they cannot receive a proper education and they suffer extreme poverty, water scarcity, malnutrition and devastation. Second, Somali children were born in a constant climate of violence and insecurity that has ‘normalized’ the concept of fighting, leading them to take up arms in a desperate attempt to put an end to a war they do not understand, but that has been lacerating their country for too long.Show less
When NATO was established the world was in a different place. The world had seen the use of nuclear weapons in Japan for the first time and was confronted with the devastating consequences of these...Show moreWhen NATO was established the world was in a different place. The world had seen the use of nuclear weapons in Japan for the first time and was confronted with the devastating consequences of these weapons. NATO was established as an Alliance between the United States, Canada, and European countries. Meanwhile, the Cold War had started between the United States on one side and the Soviet Union on the other side. To ensure the safety of the European counterparts, NATO decided to establish the nuclear sharing arrangement that would provide certain countries in Europe with nuclear weapons. The Netherlands is one of these countries. This was in the Netherlands’ own security interests, which are heavily influenced by NATO’s security policies. After the end of the Cold War, there was no direct threat and therefore, no direct need to keep these nuclear weapons. However, the Netherlands has been unable to denuclearize. It will use securitization theory as a theoretical framework to try to understand the denuclearization process. This thesis will analyze the denuclearization debate in the Netherlands and what role nuclear weapons play in Dutch security policy.Show less
The rise of the People’s Republic of China and Beijing’s hegemonic aspirations pose a challenge to academic research, constituting an issue that is worth of interest and analysis for its...Show moreThe rise of the People’s Republic of China and Beijing’s hegemonic aspirations pose a challenge to academic research, constituting an issue that is worth of interest and analysis for its implications on international relations. This work targets two elements in Chinese foreign politics: the Community of Shared Future for Mankind and the Near-Seas Strategy, each of which has a major role in Beijing’s relations with other countries. Moreover, this thesis proposes that the relation between the two elements is hitherto unexplored and warrants for further investigation, for these topics often recur in IR literature, but only independently. Therefore, it sets to understand the nature of such relation, through an analysis that is both numerical and qualitative – highlighting their meaning, components and implications – as well as an interpretation through the concept of Harmony. The analysis will show that documents and discourses concerning the Community of Shared Future for Mankind focus mostly on peaceful development and (win-win) cooperation, whereas the Near-Seas Strategy expresses and addresses Beijing’s concerns in the South Chinas Sea and towards the ongoing disputes with other countries in the area, namely Taiwan. Finally, the interpretation through the concept of Harmony will shed a light on their coherency towards the goal of a Harmonious society.Show less
Illegal oil theft, also referred to as “huachicoleo”, constitutes one of the major policy issues today in Mexico. Although organized crime shapes the contemporary political landscape of the country...Show moreIllegal oil theft, also referred to as “huachicoleo”, constitutes one of the major policy issues today in Mexico. Although organized crime shapes the contemporary political landscape of the country, political science academia has largely failed to research crime and its impact on the state. This thesis particularly investigates the phenomenon of huachicoleo in Mexico and why it has become the new public priority. It draws upon academic contributions from cultural studies, criminology, sociology and political science to provide an alternative narrative about the conflict in Mexico. The thesis proposes that huachicoleo erodes the legitimacy of the Mexican state and poses a threat to the government as such. It emphasizes the agency of non-humans, i.e. the cultural power of oil and the symbolic value of the state-owned oil company PEMEX. Moreover, the thesis looks into the huachicolero subculture, which has developed around the activity of illegal oil theft and shares similarities with narcoculture. It demonstrates how “huachicultura” challenges the state’s legitimacy through its cultural artifacts and actively takes part in the on-going process of the social construction of legitimacy in Mexico. These findings suggest for future research to acknowledge the importance of material objects and non-human entities in conflict situations and how those engage with the human entity as a network of agency.Show less
Burgeoning Africa-China relations have sparked considerable debate over the past two decades. Many Western academics, politicians, and journalists now see growing Africa-China relations as a form...Show moreBurgeoning Africa-China relations have sparked considerable debate over the past two decades. Many Western academics, politicians, and journalists now see growing Africa-China relations as a form of Chinese neo-colonialism in Africa that is challenging Western efforts to help the continent develop. It is in this atmosphere of competition that the perspectives of Africans themselves have often been overlooked. This research paper attempts to shed light on these perspectives by analysing how elite political discourse in South Africa, Zambia and Angola perceives growing Africa-China relations, and how this discourse differs from common themes found in Western discourse. The paper combines a macro critical political discourse analysis of elite political discourse with a qualitative comparative analysis of these three case studies, within the timeframe January 2018 – January 2020. The research paper reveals that African political discourse often differs from, and indeed challenges, common themes found in Western discourse. In doing so, this research also contests the ‘universality’ of Western perceptions of both Africa and Africa-China relations. And finally, this research problematises the portrayal of non-Western actors in mainstream IR and highlights the need to listen to these voices from the periphery.Show less
This thesis explores the UN’s Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, specifically focusing on its implementation in South Sudan from 2005 to 2018. Promulgated in 2005, the R2P doctrine aimed to...Show moreThis thesis explores the UN’s Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, specifically focusing on its implementation in South Sudan from 2005 to 2018. Promulgated in 2005, the R2P doctrine aimed to prevent the occurrence of mass atrocity crimes, these being genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing. Most of the public debate about and literature on R2P has focused on the use of coercive measures by the international community in general and on potential military interventions for humanitarian purposes in particular. This thesis instead takes a more holistic approach to analysing R2P, discussing all three pillars of the doctrine. These are the state’s responsibility to protect (Pillar I); international assistance and capacity building (Pillar II); and a timely and decisive response by the international community in a situation where mass atrocities are imminent or are already being perpetrated (Pillar III). After exploring the literature on R2P and explaining the methodology that will be used, the thesis then explores the implementation of the doctrine before and during the South Sudanese Civil War. The thesis finds that the South Sudanese government were ineffective in adopting measures to protect its population from mass atrocities. Indeed, some policies actually increased the risk of such crimes while important government members and political elites were actively involved in the crimes that were perpetrated. It also finds that the international community’s assistance under Pillar II was generally well-intentioned but often misguided, while the timely and decisive response under Pillar III was hamstrung by an unwillingness to utilise or even consider all of the tools available.Show less
Since the events of 9/11 and the war on terror, there has been a rise in Islamist terrorism and its subcategory of home-grown terrorism, where the perpetrators of terrorist violence are born and...Show moreSince the events of 9/11 and the war on terror, there has been a rise in Islamist terrorism and its subcategory of home-grown terrorism, where the perpetrators of terrorist violence are born and raised in the countries of the attack. The purpose of this thesis is to contribute to the understanding of home-grown terrorism by offering an application of social identity theory to the phenomenon’s relevant identity discourses. To do so, this thesis sets out to deconstruct and analyse the significant identity discourses constructed by British government officials and Islamist terrorist organisations. This thesis identifies a push and pull dynamic between British and Islamist identity discourses where vulnerable British Muslims feel alienated and pushed away from British society’s emphasis on assimilative secular, liberal democratic values and instead find the appeal of the global Muslim community, the ummah, as an inclusionary, unifying sense of identity. Certainly, terrorism and home-grown terrorism are complex phenomena without single explanations, but this thesis puts forwards identity as a complementary explanation for home-grown terrorism as it ties in existing explanations such as historical and political grievances and socioeconomic inequalities. Because identity is often constructed on an exclusionary basis, where an individual must be one or the other and never both, social identity theory’s ideas of social comparison and positive group worth explain the need for terrorists to harm other identities to increase its own identity’s social worth.Show less
ISIS children: doomed childhood? An analysis of Dutch foreign policy on non-active repatriation of Dutch children of suspected ISIS fighters. It elaborates on the existence of islamophobia and rise...Show moreISIS children: doomed childhood? An analysis of Dutch foreign policy on non-active repatriation of Dutch children of suspected ISIS fighters. It elaborates on the existence of islamophobia and rise of populism in Europe, and compares the Dutch policy with that of other European countries that did not repatriate, and countries that did repatriate children as their national citizens and why. This thesis researches what are countries' obstacles for active repatriation of these children, and what are the international binding agreements claiming about the situation. All to answer the main question: Why does Dutch foreign policy on Dutch children of suspected ISIS fighters not entail active repatriation?Show less
Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights are increasingly promoted by states around the world. The states that promote LGBT rights globally are often perceived as positive and...Show moreLesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights are increasingly promoted by states around the world. The states that promote LGBT rights globally are often perceived as positive and modernising forces that seek to uphold human rights. However, LGBT rights have progressively become a powerful political tool that states can employ for motives that go beyond altruism. This thesis explores how the United Kingdom used LGBT rights in their foreign policy towards Uganda.Show less
