One of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked...Show moreOne of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked humanitarian aid from entering its territory, based on the principle of sovereignty. Theoretically, international aid organizations have impartial access to deliver humanitarian aid when necessary, based on the fundamental humanitarian principles. Paradoxically, these fundamental principles have limited aid organizations to execute their work and compromises needed to be made with the Assad government in order to obtain access. Ever since the beginning of the conflict, humanitarian aid has been unequally distributed via government channels between government- and opposition controlled areas in Syria. It has become a strategy of warfare for the Assad regime, perpetuating violence and advancing legitimization and support for the nation’s regime. Simultaneously, international aid organizations created cross-border operations in order to circumvent this demonstration of the politicization of humanitarianism. This thesis extensively addresses this phenomenon and its consequences, by examining the central research question: To what extent has the politicization of humanitarianism impeded neutral emergency food aid delivery by international aid organizations in the Syrian conflict between 2011 and 2019?Show less
Historically, Libya has played a crucial part in Italian foreign policy inside the Middle East- and North-African (MENA) region. Serving as the prime supplier of fossil fuels, Libya has also long...Show moreHistorically, Libya has played a crucial part in Italian foreign policy inside the Middle East- and North-African (MENA) region. Serving as the prime supplier of fossil fuels, Libya has also long functioned as a transit point for migrants taking the route toward the European continent. To safeguard both energy security and irregular migratory flows, Italy has invested in creating a mutually beneficial relationship with Libyan leader Moammar al-Ghaddafi. The 2011 Arab Spring would trouble these bonds, as Ghaddafi's reign was challenged - and ultimately toppled. Italian foreign policy-making has been described as notoriously self-contradicting, inefficient and serving self-interest at best. To test these theories, the events and resulting Italian foreign policy during the Libyan Revolution in 2011 serve as a case study. It will be shown that Italian foreign policy produced some tangible short-term results, especially in terms of energy security. Nonetheless, the processes that preceded these results were characterized by periods of uncertainty in Italian foreign policy making. Indeed, several actions of the Italian government proved to acknowledge the 'propensity for self-contradiction' that has long characterized Italian foreign policy-making in International Relations theory.Show less
Conflicts do not naturally attract the interest of policy makers nor do they naturally garner international recognition and attention. It is therefore essential to understand, if conflicts are...Show moreConflicts do not naturally attract the interest of policy makers nor do they naturally garner international recognition and attention. It is therefore essential to understand, if conflicts are ignored, how inattention manifests itself in inaction, what are the consequences of inattention and why does inattention exist. This thesis will seek to answer these questions within the primary confines of the conflict(s) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It will be argued that attention is a commodity predominantly distributed by policymakers and media organisations who may choose to pay attention or not. The consequences of inattention, such as increased levels of severity and violence, can therefore be attributed to those purposefully ignoring conflict.Show less
This thesis has examined the coherence of U.S. foreign policy toward NATO during the Trump presidency. It has compared the political narrative, the policy enunciation, and the policy implementation...Show moreThis thesis has examined the coherence of U.S. foreign policy toward NATO during the Trump presidency. It has compared the political narrative, the policy enunciation, and the policy implementation of the United States toward NATO. As a result, this thesis was able to compare and analyze the political narrative and the actual policy of the United States toward NATO during the Trump presidency.Show less
The war on drugs is does not only take place in South America, but also in other, less expected, parts of the world. In particular, opium travels from (mainly) Afghanistan to parts all over the...Show moreThe war on drugs is does not only take place in South America, but also in other, less expected, parts of the world. In particular, opium travels from (mainly) Afghanistan to parts all over the world, carried by all sorts of groups and organizations that have specialized in this trade. The PKK is active in a number of regions in the Middle-East and illicit drug trade is one of the means of its financing. Using the crime-terror continuum of Makarenko, this research describes the PKK as a commercial terrorist organization with mainly financial interests, at present stronger than their political motives. The research question of this thesis is as follows: “To what extent has the Kurdistan Workers’ Party transformed into a criminal organization from its erewhile politically motivated terrorist origins?” The relevance of this research is therefore to give the PKK a spot on the crime- terror continuum of Makarenko (2004: 131) and to show its evolution into a transnational organized crime organization, rather than just a static politically driven organization. This research could improve the formulation and implementation of future counter measures. The hypothesis of this thesis is that the PKK can be defined as a predominantly commercial terrorist organization.Show less
Scholars and humanitarian aid organizations alike continue to debate the effectiveness of varying methods of aid distribution in areas of protracted crisis. This thesis contributes to the field of...Show moreScholars and humanitarian aid organizations alike continue to debate the effectiveness of varying methods of aid distribution in areas of protracted crisis. This thesis contributes to the field of knowledge and research on the impact of interagency coordinated humanitarian responses to food insecurity amid civil war in South Sudan using measured IPC data, and furthermore explores how local actors and organizations in the region ‘measured up’ in their willingness and ability to assist in increasing food security in South Sudan in 2016.Show less
On March 15 this year, The United Nations Committee on Enforced Disappearance (UNCED) has released a hammering report entitled "Double Injustice - Human Rights Violation in the Investigation of the...Show moreOn March 15 this year, The United Nations Committee on Enforced Disappearance (UNCED) has released a hammering report entitled "Double Injustice - Human Rights Violation in the Investigation of the Ayotzinapa Case" into the forced disappearance of 43 students in Mexico in 2014 (OHCHR, 2018). This case, which has also become known under the "Iguala Case", named after the city in Mexico where the horrendous incident happened, has received unprecedented heights of attention, both by the national and international press. During the night of 26th to 27 September 2014, over 80 students from Raúl Isidro Burgos Rural Teachers College of Ayotzinapa travelled by bus (which they had seized) to participate in an annual demonstration in Mexico City.Show less
Transitional justice plays a central role in helping nations move forward in post-conflict periods in which nations have suffered from mass violence and other atrocities. Moreover, educating youth...Show moreTransitional justice plays a central role in helping nations move forward in post-conflict periods in which nations have suffered from mass violence and other atrocities. Moreover, educating youth on the past is necessary in order to work towards reconciliation and preventing the reoccurrence of atrocities. By presenting a comparative study of two countries that have gone through the same type of horrific violence, this thesis will examine the transitional justice approaches adopted in the field of education Cambodia and Rwanda, whereby it will conclude which one has promoted the most effective way of dealing with the past. According to International Centre for Transitional Justice (2018), the aims of transitional justice is ‘the recognition of the dignity of individuals, the redress and acknowledgment of violations and the aim to prevent them happening again.’ Thus, I argue that education plays a crucial role in transitional justice, and is not only important in teaching youth about a country’s history, but schools also help shape politics and create intergroup relations. The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the research on the relationship between transitional justice and education. By presenting two case studies, I will analyse which one of the two approaches in education has proven more successful as a mechanism of transitional justice. Lastly, I will conclude with a summary of the findings and give further recommendations.Show less
Migration is an opportunity for Europe: an opportunity to increase economic and cultural development. This claim is made by the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE), a liberal party...Show moreMigration is an opportunity for Europe: an opportunity to increase economic and cultural development. This claim is made by the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE), a liberal party in the European Parliament. The ALDE claim to view migration as an advantage and not as a security threat, a view that xenophobic populistic parties in the European Parliament do have. There is a significant amount of academic research focused on the securitization of migration and the role of right-wing parties in the securitization process. However, research on the role of politically moderate parties in the securitization process is limited. That is why this thesis focuses on the ALDE. It seeks to examine the relation between centrist parties in the European Parliament and securitization theory by exploring how the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe securitized migration between 2011 and 2017.Show less
This thesis researches the rise of China from a US political discourse perspective by taking a post-structuralist approach. It employs a critical discourse analysis to analyze elitist political...Show moreThis thesis researches the rise of China from a US political discourse perspective by taking a post-structuralist approach. It employs a critical discourse analysis to analyze elitist political discourse of the Obama administration for securitization moves of the rise of China. This research provides a unique perspective on the US-China security relationship and adds to the understanding how language shapes the meaning of security as well as foreign policy. This thesis shows that in discourse of the foreign policy executives of the Obama administration between May and October 2015 there are substantial instances in which the rise of China is being discussed as a threat to US economic and military securities. In line of this threat discourse, security measures are promoted and legitimized. These are among others: investing in military technology development, supporting the Trans-Pacific Partnership, promoting Chinese economic reforms, and investment in developing cyber capabilities.Show less
This thesis identifies the methods that have been successful in managing ethnopolitical conflicts by focusing on two cases in the European periphery. Conflict management and mediation literature...Show moreThis thesis identifies the methods that have been successful in managing ethnopolitical conflicts by focusing on two cases in the European periphery. Conflict management and mediation literature consists of extensive work on both Cyprus and Northern Ireland. Yet, the role of external actors and kin-states in peacemaking in both cases are understudied. By showing the importance of a superpower third party intervention, this thesis provides theoretical and policy insights on conflict management. Contrary to the general argument on the importance of impartiality of mediation, this study argues that powerful states, due to their coercive capacity and power, have an increased chance of success in peace negotiations. Furthermore, regardless of impartiality, it is found that the more proximity (cultural, political, and economic ties) the third party has with the parties involved, the more likely it is to have the leverage necessary to achieve a concession.Show less
The questions that remain in academia and the aim to conduct research on policymakers’ interests bring forth the following research question to better explain and understand U.S. foreign policy:...Show moreThe questions that remain in academia and the aim to conduct research on policymakers’ interests bring forth the following research question to better explain and understand U.S. foreign policy: Under the Obama administration, why did the U.S. not lead from behind in Egypt but did so in Libya and Syria, despite the similarities between the countries’ humanitarian crises and the U.S.’s broader interests in the Middle East? The research is structured as follows. The first chapter explores the extant literature and theories regarding U.S. military involvement. From this literature review, the subsequent chapter explains the factors that influence U.S. foreign policy and creates several models to steer the research at hand. After this, the research design addresses the data collection and analysis. This produces a tool upon which three chapters will be based that describe what led to the decision to lead from behind in Libya and Syria but not in Egypt. Following this, a comparative analysis is conducted to examine the differences in U.S. decision-making in regard to the three cases and is linked further to the academic literature. Upon this, several concluding remarks are provided, which pave the way for a discussion.Show less
