This thesis discusses the impact of exclusion, intersectionality, and multilevel governance on migrant sex workers' accessibility to their rights in the Netherlands after 2000.
The thesis studies the perpection of the European Union within the German Bundestag, its delegation to the Council of Europe and German newspapers. Applying frame analysis, the thesis finds, that...Show moreThe thesis studies the perpection of the European Union within the German Bundestag, its delegation to the Council of Europe and German newspapers. Applying frame analysis, the thesis finds, that the perception and use of European institutions from the German national positition has visibly changed over since 1989. Key changes took place around political watershed on national and international level, leading to a new relevance of the national perspective and realpolitk-alike forms of othering in the discursive structures.Show less
The Schilderswijk used to be a working-class neighbourhood, with predominantly white native Dutch residents, who have mostly left the area over the last three decades. This study seeks to answer...Show moreThe Schilderswijk used to be a working-class neighbourhood, with predominantly white native Dutch residents, who have mostly left the area over the last three decades. This study seeks to answer this question: how did the established Schilderswijk residents experience such a dramatic change in the ethnic makeup of their neighbourhood, and what effect did this have on their perceptions of local social cohesion? These experiences of change are explored through interviews with white native residents of the area. The first chapter of the analyses will provide the historical context to the stories of these residents. The second chapter paints a picture of the manner in which the residents remember the past, and the third chapter shows how these residents experienced change. Telling the story of these residents is important because this gives more insight into why diversity might have a negative effect on the perception of social cohesion in an area. This will fill a hiatus in scientific debates on the subject, but can also give policy makers insight to mechanisms underlying the policy problem of social cohesion in a diverse neighbourhood. Additionally, telling the story of people that experience loss and change can have a social value. This research gives a voice to those that might not feel like they are being heard.Show less
In dit onderzoek is geanalyseerd in hoeverre de Holland-Amerika Lijn risico's nam bij het vervoeren van emigranten naar de Verenigde Staten. Er kan geconcludeerd worden dat de HAL ten alle tijde...Show moreIn dit onderzoek is geanalyseerd in hoeverre de Holland-Amerika Lijn risico's nam bij het vervoeren van emigranten naar de Verenigde Staten. Er kan geconcludeerd worden dat de HAL ten alle tijde haar verschillende belangen tegenover elkaar afwoog. In bepaalde situaties nam zij grotere risico's dan in andere, dit hing af van de consequenties voor de belangenbehartiging.Show less
This study aimed to explore the differences in self-perceived identities, perceptions of social inclusion and perceptions of social progression of Somali-born migrants entering and residing in the...Show moreThis study aimed to explore the differences in self-perceived identities, perceptions of social inclusion and perceptions of social progression of Somali-born migrants entering and residing in the UK. The study focuses on whether these differences exist depending on whether migrants arrive from the Netherlands, a Member State of the European Union (EU), or whether they arrive directly from Somalia, a nation outside of the EU. Literature concerned with Somalis residing in the UK, as well as specific literature focusing on Somalis leaving the Netherlands to migrate to the UK was used to contextualise the study. The research consisted of 18 face-to-face interviews carried in the UK: 10 interviews with individuals who arrived from Somalia and 8 with those that arrived from the Netherlands. Based on the data collected from these interviews, self-perceived identities between the two groups largely differ. Those arriving from the Netherlands typically disassociate from their Somali identity. Secondly, formulations of identity play a pivotal role in perceptions of social inclusion and social progression. On arrival those arriving from the Netherlands perceive themselves to be more socially included and have higher prospects of progressing in society. In terms of how these factors change over time, few conclusions could be drawn – though it appears that differences in country of arrival may become less important. Nevertheless, Somalis residing in the UK from both groups hold positive perceptions of how they are progressing in society.Show less
In the early 1980s, the number of asylum seekers doubled in West Germany and the issue got increasingly politicised. Most of the asylum seekers originated from Turkey where political unrest and...Show moreIn the early 1980s, the number of asylum seekers doubled in West Germany and the issue got increasingly politicised. Most of the asylum seekers originated from Turkey where political unrest and socio-ethnic conflicts were widespread. In this setting, Turkish asylum seekers belonging to Christian minorities became a source of controversy within the German Federal Ministry of the Interior. This thesis looks into the dynamics of asylum politics through analysing primary sources from the Federal Ministry of the Interior that depict the most important intergovernmental, federal and societal governance actors who either argued in favour of or against the admission of this specific group of asylum seekers. Their interplay is examined with the help of four main concepts under the umbrella of the gap hypothesis, which explain why the Christian asylum seekers were granted a right to stay in the long run although their asylum applications were first rejected: The liberal paradox of democratic states and the difficulty of interpreting the right of asylum gave room for multiple actors negotiating the case. Eventually, the positively constructed social class of the asylum seekers enabled the political realm to reach consensus to smartly settle the liberal paradox with a generously applied hardship regulation.Show less
This thesis sheds light on Moroccan governance actors’ perspectives on the multi-level governance of boat people in the Western Mediterranean. The central argument is that the inclusion of third...Show moreThis thesis sheds light on Moroccan governance actors’ perspectives on the multi-level governance of boat people in the Western Mediterranean. The central argument is that the inclusion of third countries’ perspectives on EU’s external border and migration policy is crucial to enhance the understanding of governance realities. The research question is: How did the Moroccan state and civil society react to the increasingly multi-leveled and externalized EU migration governance from 1992 to 2013, in the context of irregular migration by boat? During a field study in Morocco, eleven interviews were conducted with (former) officials, national and international NGO´s. In a chronological analysis, migration and external border policies by the EU, Morocco and Spain are assessed and contrasted with statements from Moroccan stakeholders. Furthermore, this paper examines the agency of Moroccan governance actors in implementation and negotiation processes. The main findings are discussed in relation to the ‘gap hypothesis’, ‘mobility regimes’ and migration as a ‘bargaining chip’ in negotiations.Show less
This thesis analyzes pro-gay, anti-immigrant rhetoric (PGAIR) in Dutch political parties across the spectrum since 2000. The thesis compares and contrasts rhetorical trends across parties and...Show moreThis thesis analyzes pro-gay, anti-immigrant rhetoric (PGAIR) in Dutch political parties across the spectrum since 2000. The thesis compares and contrasts rhetorical trends across parties and election cycles. In doing so, it shows the influence of populist politics on mainstream politics. It concludes that all three mainstream parties VVD, CDA and PvdA have used PGAIR as a rhetorical tool since 2000. An increase in use could be linked to the rise in popularity of anti-immigrant populist rhetoric in the Netherlands.Show less
This research focuses on children of post-war Dutch migrants in Australia and their transnational ties to the Netherlands. The main question is how, why and when the transnational ties changed in...Show moreThis research focuses on children of post-war Dutch migrants in Australia and their transnational ties to the Netherlands. The main question is how, why and when the transnational ties changed in different political environments, such as the shift from assimilation to multicultural policy in Australia. The research starts at the migrants' childhood and ends in their later life.Show less
Een onderzoek naar het Nederlandse overheidsbeleid ten aanzien van irreguliere migranten, de praktijk van gedogen en de daaraan verbonden consequenties voor langdurig ongedocumenteerden in Nederland.
Australia and New Zealand have been known for their British Child Migrants Programme (1920-1970). The Netherlands stimulated emigration after the Second World War as well. Considering overseas...Show moreAustralia and New Zealand have been known for their British Child Migrants Programme (1920-1970). The Netherlands stimulated emigration after the Second World War as well. Considering overseas demand for child migrants was high in the British context, this thesis explores the Dutch perspectives on the phenomenon of child migration. Following a governance perspective the thesis sets out to identify contributing factors and actors in order to explain the rejection of child migration from The Netherlands. The research is built on various primary sources including newspaper articles, personal publications, radio interviews and letter exchanges between governments and NGOs. These sources have identified both the Australian/New Zealand perspectives and the Dutch situation regarding children in The Netherlands during the post-war period. Ultimately establishing that the Australian and New Zealand governments were certainly interested in taking in Dutch children, but that the Dutch government were mostly apprehensive due to perceived Australian inexperience, a lack of parentless children and a lack of adoption regulations.Show less
