Do United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) impact democratization in post-conflict states? Currently, this question is up for debate and this study builds on new relationships recently...Show moreDo United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) impact democratization in post-conflict states? Currently, this question is up for debate and this study builds on new relationships recently discovered in the literature. Blair, Di Salvatore, & Smidt (2023) argue that UN PKO tactics improve the likelihood of democratization. This relationship is tested through the examination of four mission tactics between the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) and the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic (MINURCA). The cases were selected using a most similar design, indicating the cases are similar in all regards, except for their democratization outcomes; Mozambique democratized, while CAR did not. The analysis revealed that ONUMOZ and MINURCA were very similar in their mission tactics and thus mission tactics cannot be considered the sole explanation for democratization. Rather, the size and budget of the mission, involvement of civilian personnel, and recurrence of violence provided more fruitful avenues for explaining the difference in the democratization outcomes. This research contributes to the literature and yields recommendations for future research on UN PKOs and democratization. Additionally, this research provides insight into how the UN can successfully design and implement PKOs aimed at democratization.Show less
This paper aims to explore the research question: ‘To what extent do economic elites’ preferences affect UK policy in complying with international law of refugee rights?’. In doing so, the...Show moreThis paper aims to explore the research question: ‘To what extent do economic elites’ preferences affect UK policy in complying with international law of refugee rights?’. In doing so, the conceptual framework of neo-feudalism, focusing on economic elites, attempts to build on previous literature providing an alternative explanation for UK policy being non-compliant with international laws on refugee rights. The methodology engages process tracing to investigate the mechanism behind the phenomena. Data found posits that economic elites influence policy in the UK due to the landscape of neo-liberal, market-orientated governance. Furthermore, due to this type of governance, and culture of securitisation, the immigration industry profits immensely from harsher border and asylum regulation. Economic elites thus have motivations in wanting to perpetuate and further policies that are noncompliant with international law to increase profits. Furthermore, data suggests that there are potential political motivations towards a more anti-immigrant stance due to increasingly close ties between economic elites and political parties. Overall, this potentially leads to profound and far-reaching consequences for, global governance, human rights, and democracy. Not only do economic elites wielding disproportionate power in government undermine democracy, but they could also contribute to the erosion of international legal norms, governmental effectiveness, and credibility. The implied possible exacerbation of global inequality and injustice requires further exploration.Show less
This thesis focusses on the so far neglected role of NATO – the organisation – in the transatlantic conflicts during the Trump administration. Adopting a constructivist approach and conducting a...Show moreThis thesis focusses on the so far neglected role of NATO – the organisation – in the transatlantic conflicts during the Trump administration. Adopting a constructivist approach and conducting a discourse analysis, I identify agency in the discourse of NATO’s Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg’s response to the internal frictions with the aim to draw further conclusions on how discourse contributes to the autonomy of international organisations. By doing so, I confront the current dominance in the literature on this subject which has focussed predominantly on the involved states and state power. Correcting for this one-sided misrepresentation, the empirical findings of this thesis suggests that the autonomy of NATO echoed in the Secretary General’s discourse in two ways. One, Stoltenberg was able to create topics, address them and shape its content, indicating that he possessed significant discursive agency. Two, he employed this discursive agency to defend and pursue the interests of the organisation, even at the expense of the interests of NATO’s member states. Consequentially, I argue that these signs of agency were telling echoes of NATO’s autonomy in Stoltenberg’s discursive response to its internal conflicts during the Trump administration.Show less
R2P (Responsibility to Protect) is an international norm set up by the international community to set out against mass genocide prevention. It is socially relevant given the Rohingya migration...Show moreR2P (Responsibility to Protect) is an international norm set up by the international community to set out against mass genocide prevention. It is socially relevant given the Rohingya migration crises calling out R2P to be invoked. However recent media and academic debates have cast doubts on R2P’s application. Regardless of these doubts, R2P advocacy has grown globally with more international research partners and their own research journal. This brings forth the question: how does the organization of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) reflect epistemic/expert authority? This is an explorative thesis that makes use of a single case study of R2P employing qualitative research methods. Academic debate shows R2P as either an extension of unilateral humanitarian intervention or a replacement for it. Proponents argue it as a replacement due to its increasing popularity through its authority. This thesis adds to the authority argument with the use of Global Knowledge Networks which explains whether knowledge production of an organization has expert-legitimacy. Using the transnational discourse community and coalition approach it is shown that R2P’s knowledge production has independent force and power among experts, and simplification and impact towards nonexpert. This gives R2P’s knowledge production expert-legitimacy and therefore establishes R2P’s epistemic/expert authority.Show less
With the arrival of over 800.000 migrants to Europe in 2015 during the ‘migration crisis’, the debate on migration rights shifted its discourse from compassion and solidarity to more negative...Show moreWith the arrival of over 800.000 migrants to Europe in 2015 during the ‘migration crisis’, the debate on migration rights shifted its discourse from compassion and solidarity to more negative stances, such as systematic racist behaviors, including demoralization, dehumanization and hate speech against migrants. This thesis aims to delve into the deteriorated image of migrants in the media and determine the consequences of national decision-making at the European level. To do this, this thesis refines existing theories on the relationship between media, the public and policymakers, as these present important academic inconsistencies. By employing a combined approach including the relevance of the political orientation of media outlets and the constraints of collective action problems, this thesis aims to show that media outlets hold similar frames on asylum-seekers and EU asylum cooperation as their political affiliates. With the use of Poland as a case study, this thesis conducts a discourse analysis on Gazeta Wyborcza & Rzeczpospolita Polish press media outlets and parliamentary speeches to uncover frame patterns and the influence media has on a government. This is done by tracing the frames in a chronological manner. Ultimately, this thesis finds that there is a political affiliation between press outlets and politicians, and that the discourse on asylum-seekers significantly impacted asylum-application rejection rates, thus undermining the EU asylum cooperation.Show less
Somaliland is a self-declared country located in the Horn of Africa that has been struggling for international recognition for over 30 years. Nonrecognition hinders unrecognized states from...Show moreSomaliland is a self-declared country located in the Horn of Africa that has been struggling for international recognition for over 30 years. Nonrecognition hinders unrecognized states from participating in multilateral and bilateral trade agreements, it severely restricts their opportunity to attract foreign aid and it excludes their region from international legal frameworks. The decision to grant Somaliland recognition is a political process of negotiation and depended on the global context, and moreover, not strictly bound by international law. Discourse and framing theories exemplify that how actors frame their actions, words and perceptions has a significant influence in diplomatic relations. Hence, this thesis is intending to unravel the ways in which the Somaliland government aims to influence the stance of the international community towards recognizing its independence by using various types of framing. This will contribute to the academic debate as unrecognized states and their practices, interests and beliefs are still considered to be a ‘black box’. A qualitative content analysis was carried out and data was gathered, comprising 14 speeches and interviews given by the Somaliland President and Minister of Foreign Affairs for the period of 2012-2022. The results indicate that the government of Somaliland prioritizes prognostic framing over diagnostic framing with a specific focus on the justification for acquiring international recognition. Motivational framing is mostly deployed towards the United States as this country is seen as a powerful actor in diplomatic relations.Show less
After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, all ex-Soviet states had Russian ethnic minorities who migrated there before 1991. Some countries have strong connections with Russia. Others, such as the...Show moreAfter the dissolution of the Soviet Union, all ex-Soviet states had Russian ethnic minorities who migrated there before 1991. Some countries have strong connections with Russia. Others, such as the Baltic States, have preferred to follow the path of European integration. However, it is unclear how Russian ethnic communities forming a tangible diaspora within some non- Russian states would develop their political views. The Russian-speaking community of Latvia represents a quarter of the country’s population. This community is not homogenous and has a variety of political opinions. Focusing on the social identity theory, this study collects evidence of how the Russian ethnic minority includes pro-European or pro-Russian attitudes on sanctioning policies against Russia introduced in response to the Russian aggression in Ukraine. In the study, Russian speakers residing in Latvia are invited to participate in a questionnaire about their views on the European Union, Russia, and sanctions against Russia. Data collected through the questionnaire seeks to analyse how ethnic background influences political opinions. Findings of the study suggest that within one ethnic minority, people can express diametrically different views, regardless of the shared ethnic background.Show less
Academics have generally overlooked how NGOs use and produce knowledge to influence policymaking, or have acknowledged it but have not assessed it using the concept of epistemic communities....Show moreAcademics have generally overlooked how NGOs use and produce knowledge to influence policymaking, or have acknowledged it but have not assessed it using the concept of epistemic communities. However, knowledge can also be a powerful tool in the hands of NGOs. Indeed, this study demonstrates that NGOs are more than just advocacy actors; like epistemic communities, they influence politicians’perceptions and actions with their knowledge. To determine this, I have closely examined the role of knowledge in three NGOs bases in Brussels: Ciré, CNCD11.11.11 and Plate-Forme Mineurs en Exil, and interviewed one employee from each organisation. I then compared my findings to expectations of how NGOs would use and produce knowledge to influence policymaking, and determined that they matched the characteristics of epistemic communities. Nevertheless, this research is based on interviews and looked at specific cases. To generalise my conclusions, further research would have to be done.Show less
A central challenge in peace research is the limited evidence on how women’s participation contributes to peacemaking. The Sudanese Revolution has often been dubbed “a women’s revolution” in...Show moreA central challenge in peace research is the limited evidence on how women’s participation contributes to peacemaking. The Sudanese Revolution has often been dubbed “a women’s revolution” in international media outlets, although women were largely sidelined during the formal peace negotiations. Current research increasingly acknowledges the weight and gendered nature of peace agreements to achieve sustainable peace, but they fail to explain the prerequisites. At the same time, the literature overlooks the qualitative aspect of women’s involvement and influence in peacemaking. Against this background, this thesis sets out to explore women’s participation in peacemaking and the implications for gender inclusive peace outcomes. The thesis follows an inductive approach and studies the case of Sudan in-depth. The data consists of Sudan’s peace agreement, and five in-depth interviews with women active during Sudan’s peacemaking process (2018-2020). The findings revealed a mechanism of outside influence, in which women’s participation through a variety of informal channels exerted pressure on the negotiation parties to incorporate gender provisions in the peace agreement, concluding that considering women in their informal efforts is as important as advocating for more women at the formal peace table.Show less
This thesis seeks to investigate COVID-19 as an opportunity for change for neoliberal ideology in the European Union. Critical juncture theory frames the pandemic to determine whether and how it...Show moreThis thesis seeks to investigate COVID-19 as an opportunity for change for neoliberal ideology in the European Union. Critical juncture theory frames the pandemic to determine whether and how it amounts to a critical juncture for neoliberal political rationality investigated through discourse. A theoretical spill-over effect is laid out to assess whether COVID-19 unleashed the potential for change of a critical juncture on neoliberal discourse. Discourse analysis of EU social policy debates and documents before and after March 2020 is carried out to compare the two emerging discourses and observe whether a state of discursive flux can be identified. Discursive flux is developed through the indicators of “ambiguity” and “heightened level of contestation” to operationalise the potential for change of a critical juncture. The narrative comparison shows that flux can be identified in the post-March-2020 discourse. Indeed, whereas the dogmas found in the baseline reflect the conceptualisation of neoliberal political rationality, the post-March-2020 discourse is shown to question each of them, rejecting their dogmatic character. New narratives emerge which outline the possibility for change away from neoliberal political rationality. This is how this thesis concludes that COVID19 amounts to a critical juncture for neoliberal ideology in the EU.Show less
Social networks have paved the way for news, media influence, public opinion and political participation. While the introduction of ‘new media’ in a networked participatory media environment is...Show moreSocial networks have paved the way for news, media influence, public opinion and political participation. While the introduction of ‘new media’ in a networked participatory media environment is proven in some cases to be beneficial for democracies, the reverse side of the story shows that in social networks, political actors have found a privileged channel to spread misleading narratives at the expense of society. This thesis integrates economic, political and social theories in the growing debate about misinformation and formulates them into the framework of media systems developed by Hallin and Macini and Hardy. Four components of media systems, i.e., ‘media-party parallelism’, ‘instrumentalization of social media’, ‘government regulatory burden’ and ‘fractionalization of media outlets’, are theorized to impact the dissemination of false and/or inaccurate information. Through a panel data regression and an analysis on democracy, this thesis finds robust evidence in favor of ‘instrumentalization of social media’. For the remaining three components, some evidence is found, namely within certain democratic regimes.Show less
The creation of cyberspace has drastically problematized how states interact with each other. This thesis aims to understand the dynamics of international norms of sovereignty and non-intervention...Show moreThe creation of cyberspace has drastically problematized how states interact with each other. This thesis aims to understand the dynamics of international norms of sovereignty and non-intervention in cyberspace, and how they relate to already existing norms established in the physical world. To study this, Antje Wiener’s theory of contestation is used as a conceptual tool for explaining how norms have developed in cyberspace in the last two decades. Contestation is a social practice in which states show their disapproval of norms, aiming to alter them in their favor. Through these instances of contestation, norm development can be identified. The theory is applied to United Nations dialogues on cyberspace norms, as well as two pivotal cyberattack cases. The results of the analysis show that cyberspace norms follow a rather recognizable development pattern, going through all the stages contestation theory puts forth. Furthermore, the content of the empirical evidence shows that cyberspace norms are highly based on comparable norms in the physical world. This results in a paradox, where eventually cyberspace norms are adopted from earlier existing norms, but still need a conventional norm development of over two decades before these norms are slowly being implemented, meaning that international agreements, such as the UN Charter did not speed up this process.Show less
The issue of climate change requires immediate action. With this urgency, there is growing momentum behind youth movements advocating for serious action, and they have specific demands. This study...Show moreThe issue of climate change requires immediate action. With this urgency, there is growing momentum behind youth movements advocating for serious action, and they have specific demands. This study aims to provide a descriptive analysis of the representation of social movements, precisely the Fridays for Future movement, in the political arena. This study asks, ‘What determines the political narratives of politicians representing European countries in COP25?’ To explore this question, this thesis uses qualitative methods to analyze three important connections: 1) the recognition that the demands of FFF get at the level of European politicians at the COP25, 2) the direct references made by European politicians with various political positions, 3) the usage of business-related narrative in COP25 by politicians with different political positions. Speeches given by 22 European countries at the COP25 summit are analyzed using qualitative content analysis. Results provide deeper insight mostly in favor of the expectations that FFF and their demands got reflected in the narratives of European politicians at COP25. Additionally, a politician's political orientation showed mixed results regarding whether they incorporate business-related narratives in their speeches.Show less
Sports events are increasingly held in countries without a significant sports tradition and a questionable human rights track record. This ‘sportswashing’ enables regimes to show their soft side...Show moreSports events are increasingly held in countries without a significant sports tradition and a questionable human rights track record. This ‘sportswashing’ enables regimes to show their soft side and improve their image. Recently, it led to a countermovement in which domestic and international calls for boycotts are heard more frequently. This thesis examines the motives of athletes, civil actors, international sporting organisations, international organisations and countries behind these calls. Political scientists often use Doxey’s approach to find the underlying rationale for boycotts. She describes eight different motives to call for a boycott. Only a limited number of scholars have studied sports boycotts in general since they mainly focus on a specific case and link this to a general theory (inductive reasoning). Studying the motives behind a call for a boycott deductively by applying Doxey’s model has not been done before. The study modifies economic models by differentiating six possible motives to call for a boycott, namely punishment, destabilisation, solidarity, symbolism, delegitimisation and signalling. All cases are studied via a discourse analysis in which the language of articles comes from six English-speaking news platforms with a global reach is checked for keywords and context. This thesis finds that although there is no single motive for all boycotts, ‘easy’ boycotts without a political layer are likely to be driven by policy change or punishment, whereas more political boycotts are in most cases motivated by solidarity and delegitimising. However, sports boycotts have an intermediate effect and are therefore very effective as a response to unexpected events.Show less
