Do United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) impact democratization in post-conflict states? Currently, this question is up for debate and this study builds on new relationships recently...Show moreDo United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) impact democratization in post-conflict states? Currently, this question is up for debate and this study builds on new relationships recently discovered in the literature. Blair, Di Salvatore, & Smidt (2023) argue that UN PKO tactics improve the likelihood of democratization. This relationship is tested through the examination of four mission tactics between the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) and the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic (MINURCA). The cases were selected using a most similar design, indicating the cases are similar in all regards, except for their democratization outcomes; Mozambique democratized, while CAR did not. The analysis revealed that ONUMOZ and MINURCA were very similar in their mission tactics and thus mission tactics cannot be considered the sole explanation for democratization. Rather, the size and budget of the mission, involvement of civilian personnel, and recurrence of violence provided more fruitful avenues for explaining the difference in the democratization outcomes. This research contributes to the literature and yields recommendations for future research on UN PKOs and democratization. Additionally, this research provides insight into how the UN can successfully design and implement PKOs aimed at democratization.Show less
As the liberal international order recedes, China has emerged as the principal challenger of global governance institutions that promote human rights. While China used to act as an ostensible norm...Show moreAs the liberal international order recedes, China has emerged as the principal challenger of global governance institutions that promote human rights. While China used to act as an ostensible norm taker in the sphere of human rights, it is increasingly asserting its own authoritarian human rights norms ‘with Chinese characteristics’ on the global stage. Using Chinese ‘tianxia’ theory and realism, this thesis endeavours to uncover how China is working to subvert international human rights governance with a case study of the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC); the preeminent global forum for safeguarding human rights. A discourse analysis of China’s ‘counter- institutionalisation’ of the HRC, reveals a strategic effort to block criticism, prevent independent monitoring, and change established conceptions about the very meaning of human rights. The robustness of the HRC’s mandate thus appears to be under growing duress. How other states respond to China’s affront may determine the direction of global human rights governance for decades to come.Show less
This research examines the relationship between increased fire risk due to climate change and a state's engagement in the Union Civil Protection Mechanism's (UCPM) fire suppression efforts. Using...Show moreThis research examines the relationship between increased fire risk due to climate change and a state's engagement in the Union Civil Protection Mechanism's (UCPM) fire suppression efforts. Using the UCPM as a case study, it leverages quantitative data on fire risks and UCPM contributions and qualitative policy document analysis to understand this relationship. The study finds a positive link between heightened fire risk and amplified contributions to the UCPM. The outcomes emphasize the role of risk perception in global disaster cooperation and underline the need for efficacious risk communication in shared frameworks such as the UCPM. The study also advocates for exploring other variables like economic capability, geographic proximity and institutional factors. These findings have both theoretical and practical implications, enhancing comprehension of global cooperation dynamics and informing UCPM policy interventions.Show less
This thesis analyses the impact of different levels of favourability of immigrant integration policies on immigrant-receiving economies in OECD countries. Specifically, the effects brought to...Show moreThis thesis analyses the impact of different levels of favourability of immigrant integration policies on immigrant-receiving economies in OECD countries. Specifically, the effects brought to attention are employment, wealth, and public finances. Existing literature predominantly focusses on the impact of migration in general on destination economies and differ in opinion as to whether the relationship is positive or negative. Some literature already deepens the investigation into that relationship by including the aspect of immigrant integration policy, to which this thesis contributes by doing a quantitative data analysis. The impact of integration policies is assessed using three different models. The first model is a one-way multivariate analysis of variance. To the second and third model covariates have been added, which are respectively the number of recognized and rejected asylum applications. The analysis shows that states with higher levels of immigrant integration policy are better at ensuring positive relative native employment than states with lower levels of policy. The relationship between higher levels of integration policy and higher individual wealth is partially confirmed. The relationship between levels of integration policy and public finances needs to be researched further to draw conclusions about this.Show less
Mega sporting events (MSEs) like the Olympic Games and FIFA World Cup are seen by many as pathways for promoting human rights. While MSEs seek to promote ideals like peace and equality, there have...Show moreMega sporting events (MSEs) like the Olympic Games and FIFA World Cup are seen by many as pathways for promoting human rights. While MSEs seek to promote ideals like peace and equality, there have been numerous occasions where hosts of these events undermine the same values the MSEs strive to foster. This can be seen with the most recent edition of the FIFA World Cup in Qatar with the host accused of undermining human rights controversies related to migrant labor, women’s rights, and LGBTQ rights in the country. Given the phenomenon of state’s reacting differently to norm contestation, the central research question this project assesses is: How did democratic states respond to human rights norm contestations at the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar? Building on literature from the schools of human rights, protests, and state responses to norm contestation, this study uses democracy level as an independent variable see its effects on state behavior at the 2022 World Cup. Using a most-similar systems design, a QCA is conducted on Croatia and The Netherlands. This study provides mixed support for realist thought that finds that the closer a state is to being a full democracy, the more likely it is to respond to a norm contesting MSE host.Show less
Despite the scientifically proved inexistence of human races, racism yet exists as a result of the social construction and institutionalization of human races in societies. In the United States,...Show moreDespite the scientifically proved inexistence of human races, racism yet exists as a result of the social construction and institutionalization of human races in societies. In the United States, anti-Asian racism exists and is exceedingly problematic. At the same time, for the past thirty years United States power is relatively declining, and China is a rising power and changing the international world order. The Obama administration and the Trump administration dealt differently with the relative decline of United States power. In this paper, the United States government narrative of China and its effect on national anti-Asian racism in the United States is researched. First, existing literature on government policy tools, racism and narratives is critically analyzed. Thereafter, a narrative analysis is performed on the narratives used by the Obama administration and the Trump administration in a comparative case study. The results demonstrate that during the Trump presidency, the narrative of China was relatively more negative and anti-Asian racism levels were relatively higher. This implies that a more negative narrative of China causes more anti-Asian racism in the United States. Hence, this paper contributes to the academic field of political science by exposing the relation between governmental discursive power and citizen behavior.Show less
International relations theory has greatly overlooked the importance of the vitality of international organisations and its variations. If organisations are not moving toward completing their...Show moreInternational relations theory has greatly overlooked the importance of the vitality of international organisations and its variations. If organisations are not moving toward completing their mandate, they cannot serve the purposes institutionalist theory ascribes to them. Mercosur, an economic integration process with the end goal of becoming a common market, is perceived by public opinion as a dormant organisation. Nevertheless, its activity in the last two decades seems to indicate that it is venturing into a new, non-economic agenda, although this has not been officially mandated to it. This thesis argues that, although Mercosur’s economic goals are currently stagnated, it has become a platform for its member states to further other socio-political interests, which has injected new vitality into the organisation. The approach of this thesis highlights the importance of institutional design in general for the subsequent performance of IOs and institutional flexibility in the scope of issues in particular, as a valuable theoretical framework to understand renewed vitality in international organisations.Show less
Framing a societal issue as a matter of national security is a powerful motivator that, when used strategically, can elicit unprecedented outcomes. Recently, the EU adopted a novel regulation aimed...Show moreFraming a societal issue as a matter of national security is a powerful motivator that, when used strategically, can elicit unprecedented outcomes. Recently, the EU adopted a novel regulation aimed at establishing rules upon one of the most unrestrained areas: online platforms. The adoption of the Digital Services Act, marked a shift within two of the most regarded values in democratic societies: freedom and security, leaning heavily towards the latter due to the restrictive notions that are now being promoted upon a previously unregulated realm. This situation leads to wonder, how does the EU justify the tradeoff between freedom and security? Through a discourse analysis methodology, that studied the preeminence of a securitizing discourse, versus two other rival frames: Novelty, understood as seeking to hold a first mover advantage at regulating a sector and Equity, as a yearning to promote EU values through regulation, it was found that the negotiation process of the DSA showed strong indications of a securitizing discourse, which frames the adverse effects of online platforms as a matter of national security. This leads to conclude that EU policymakers securitized the discourse around online platforms to succeed where others failed at regulating the internet.Show less
This study examines the extent to which the Multilateral Intelligence Cooperation (MIC) model can account for the increase in intelligence cooperation between European Union Member States (EU MS)...Show moreThis study examines the extent to which the Multilateral Intelligence Cooperation (MIC) model can account for the increase in intelligence cooperation between European Union Member States (EU MS) in the field of counterterrorism. It is an explanatory deductive study employing qualitative methods, more specifically process-tracing, using data obtained from interviews and analysis of primary and secondary sources. The Madrid 2004 bombings and November 2015 Paris attacks are used as case studies to provide in-depth analysis of the MIC framework. The findings indicate that the driver internal demand contributes significantly to a MS’ decision to engage in intelligence exchange. The other two drivers, external pressure and cooperative momentum, are clearly discernible but have a smaller impact. Additionally, this research examines the MIC model’s limitations and discusses alternative factors crucial for establishing effective multilateral intelligence cooperation.Show less
This thesis focusses on the so far neglected role of NATO – the organisation – in the transatlantic conflicts during the Trump administration. Adopting a constructivist approach and conducting a...Show moreThis thesis focusses on the so far neglected role of NATO – the organisation – in the transatlantic conflicts during the Trump administration. Adopting a constructivist approach and conducting a discourse analysis, I identify agency in the discourse of NATO’s Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg’s response to the internal frictions with the aim to draw further conclusions on how discourse contributes to the autonomy of international organisations. By doing so, I confront the current dominance in the literature on this subject which has focussed predominantly on the involved states and state power. Correcting for this one-sided misrepresentation, the empirical findings of this thesis suggests that the autonomy of NATO echoed in the Secretary General’s discourse in two ways. One, Stoltenberg was able to create topics, address them and shape its content, indicating that he possessed significant discursive agency. Two, he employed this discursive agency to defend and pursue the interests of the organisation, even at the expense of the interests of NATO’s member states. Consequentially, I argue that these signs of agency were telling echoes of NATO’s autonomy in Stoltenberg’s discursive response to its internal conflicts during the Trump administration.Show less
R2P (Responsibility to Protect) is an international norm set up by the international community to set out against mass genocide prevention. It is socially relevant given the Rohingya migration...Show moreR2P (Responsibility to Protect) is an international norm set up by the international community to set out against mass genocide prevention. It is socially relevant given the Rohingya migration crises calling out R2P to be invoked. However recent media and academic debates have cast doubts on R2P’s application. Regardless of these doubts, R2P advocacy has grown globally with more international research partners and their own research journal. This brings forth the question: how does the organization of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) reflect epistemic/expert authority? This is an explorative thesis that makes use of a single case study of R2P employing qualitative research methods. Academic debate shows R2P as either an extension of unilateral humanitarian intervention or a replacement for it. Proponents argue it as a replacement due to its increasing popularity through its authority. This thesis adds to the authority argument with the use of Global Knowledge Networks which explains whether knowledge production of an organization has expert-legitimacy. Using the transnational discourse community and coalition approach it is shown that R2P’s knowledge production has independent force and power among experts, and simplification and impact towards nonexpert. This gives R2P’s knowledge production expert-legitimacy and therefore establishes R2P’s epistemic/expert authority.Show less
With the arrival of over 800.000 migrants to Europe in 2015 during the ‘migration crisis’, the debate on migration rights shifted its discourse from compassion and solidarity to more negative...Show moreWith the arrival of over 800.000 migrants to Europe in 2015 during the ‘migration crisis’, the debate on migration rights shifted its discourse from compassion and solidarity to more negative stances, such as systematic racist behaviors, including demoralization, dehumanization and hate speech against migrants. This thesis aims to delve into the deteriorated image of migrants in the media and determine the consequences of national decision-making at the European level. To do this, this thesis refines existing theories on the relationship between media, the public and policymakers, as these present important academic inconsistencies. By employing a combined approach including the relevance of the political orientation of media outlets and the constraints of collective action problems, this thesis aims to show that media outlets hold similar frames on asylum-seekers and EU asylum cooperation as their political affiliates. With the use of Poland as a case study, this thesis conducts a discourse analysis on Gazeta Wyborcza & Rzeczpospolita Polish press media outlets and parliamentary speeches to uncover frame patterns and the influence media has on a government. This is done by tracing the frames in a chronological manner. Ultimately, this thesis finds that there is a political affiliation between press outlets and politicians, and that the discourse on asylum-seekers significantly impacted asylum-application rejection rates, thus undermining the EU asylum cooperation.Show less
Somaliland is a self-declared country located in the Horn of Africa that has been struggling for international recognition for over 30 years. Nonrecognition hinders unrecognized states from...Show moreSomaliland is a self-declared country located in the Horn of Africa that has been struggling for international recognition for over 30 years. Nonrecognition hinders unrecognized states from participating in multilateral and bilateral trade agreements, it severely restricts their opportunity to attract foreign aid and it excludes their region from international legal frameworks. The decision to grant Somaliland recognition is a political process of negotiation and depended on the global context, and moreover, not strictly bound by international law. Discourse and framing theories exemplify that how actors frame their actions, words and perceptions has a significant influence in diplomatic relations. Hence, this thesis is intending to unravel the ways in which the Somaliland government aims to influence the stance of the international community towards recognizing its independence by using various types of framing. This will contribute to the academic debate as unrecognized states and their practices, interests and beliefs are still considered to be a ‘black box’. A qualitative content analysis was carried out and data was gathered, comprising 14 speeches and interviews given by the Somaliland President and Minister of Foreign Affairs for the period of 2012-2022. The results indicate that the government of Somaliland prioritizes prognostic framing over diagnostic framing with a specific focus on the justification for acquiring international recognition. Motivational framing is mostly deployed towards the United States as this country is seen as a powerful actor in diplomatic relations.Show less
