This thesis aims to answer the research questions when does the word immigrant become a salient political issue. Migration and the immigrant have never been a more pressing issue to solve, and with...Show moreThis thesis aims to answer the research questions when does the word immigrant become a salient political issue. Migration and the immigrant have never been a more pressing issue to solve, and with current global trajectories they are likely to become even more central to international politics in the years to come. Academic literature remains adamant on finding the explanatory factor(s) for why and how the immigrant is politicised through political language, and from the perspective of understanding this political polarisation for the sake of preventing the harm to immigrants, this is an important and worthwhile pursuit. But this thesis argues that the Faroe Islands are a deviant case, as it contains all the common quantifiable explanatory metrics, yet immigration is not politicised. This contradicts the common correlative theories and instead connects the politicisation of immigration to the fundamental aspect of being a sovereign state and argues that the duty of discussing the phenomenon of immigration necessitates the words to define the debate, and it is the introduction of these words into the common sphere that sharpens, and therefore politicises, the immigration topic.Show less
When the irregular immigrant crossings exceeded one million in 2015, new policy tools and institutional structures were enhanced in the EU. Especially after 2015, it is possible to see references...Show moreWhen the irregular immigrant crossings exceeded one million in 2015, new policy tools and institutional structures were enhanced in the EU. Especially after 2015, it is possible to see references to the security of the EU and its member states caused by the migration crisis. To observe, this thesis evaluated how the migration into the EU has been securitized in Eurojust discourse between 2010 and 2019. By taking the speech act of the Copenhagen School as the basis, critical discourse analysis is conducted by using documents/publications of Eurojust. As a result of the analysis, it is found that in the period of 2010 and 2014, securitization of migration is not discursively framed. However, after 2015, discourse on securitization of migration can be seen in the documents of Eurojust.Show less
After the Paris attacks on November 13th, 2015, the French government sought to implement counter-terrorism strategic communications amongst other counter-radicalization measures. These measures...Show moreAfter the Paris attacks on November 13th, 2015, the French government sought to implement counter-terrorism strategic communications amongst other counter-radicalization measures. These measures were focused on media-based campaigns, which included several social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter and an educational website launched by the government: stop-dijhadisme.gouv.fr. This thesis focuses on one particular anti-jihadist media campaign called: #Toujourslechoix. The campaign was launched in November 2016 and although it is no longer being showcased across French educational institutions, till today the visual campaign is still used as a means to spread awareness and can easily be found on the government’s counter-radicalization website. Although the campaign received praise for reaching a large audience, the effectiveness of the campaign as an actual measure to combat radicalization remains contested. The debate surrounding counter-radicalization measures revolves around whether they are deemed effective, Islamophobic or simply ineffective, however scholars fail to address the reason as to why these measures, particularly these visual campaigns, are still being implemented. This thesis proposes to analyze the case study from the perspective of visual framing theory to answer the research question. This theory can successfully explain how social actors use visual frames to communicate certain messages. As such, this thesis argues that by using secondary frames the French government in fact always targets two audiences through two objectives: the first objective being that these visual campaigns should prevent a certain audience to radicalize and the second objective consists of the government also aiming to reassure the French population that the government is taking political action to combat Jihadism in France through these programs. The frames that the French government utilized serve the purpose of achieving these two aforementioned objectives. By using visual methods to analyze the two interactive governmental videos, this thesis will seek to reveal the first and second frames the government uses and will primarily highlight the secondary audience. This thesis concludes that although the primary target audience is the French Muslim community, visual indicators point towards the secondary audience being the non-Muslims of France, who have criticized the government for not implementing harsher counter-radicalization measures.Show less
In 2020 the monoethnic Perikatan Nasional coalition seized power from the multi-ethnic Pakatan Harapan coalition, resulting in a reversal of societal progress towards a more multicultural Malaysia....Show moreIn 2020 the monoethnic Perikatan Nasional coalition seized power from the multi-ethnic Pakatan Harapan coalition, resulting in a reversal of societal progress towards a more multicultural Malaysia. This development mimics the rise of populism within Europe, and thus warranted investigation to see if current understandings of European populism could explain this phenomenon in Malaysia. This study utilised discourse analysis to examine the coalition manifestos and member-party political rhetoric of the key Malaysian political coalitions from 2015 to 2020, establishing that Pakatan Harapan is the sole populist coalition consisting of non-populist parties. Pakatan Harapan was formed as a response to the widespread corruption of the previous ruling Barisan Nasional coalition, thus once they had gained power the divisions between its member-parties proved too great for the coalition to survive, resulting in the creation of Perikatan Nasional. This study refutes previous research that claimed populism was not feasible within Southeast Asia, providing evidence that such movements are not only possible but exist within the region.Show less
This study examines immigrant experiences of contact and conflict with the Dutch to understand the impact of social integration on reinforcing or preventing formation of modern gender-attitudes....Show moreThis study examines immigrant experiences of contact and conflict with the Dutch to understand the impact of social integration on reinforcing or preventing formation of modern gender-attitudes. For that purpose, in-depth conversational interviews were conducted with 22 first- and second-generation Turkish immigrants in the Netherlands. It contributes to the literature by revealing the process of formation through individual experiences of immigrants narrated by them. Thereby, rather than correlating their behaviours with assigned categories that often fall short of explaining the variation, we have access to the process first-hand. Since gender-attitudes are central to explain immigrant behaviour, understanding the formation is essential for both literature, and policymakers. The study demonstrates that traditional attitudes can be reformed through close contact with the Dutch whilst intergroup conflict hinders the formation. The recurred themes among the sample have been: i) Rapprochement with the Dutch, and ii) Divergence from Turkish community, as reinforcing egalitarianattitudes; i) Resentment and Segregation, and ii) Peer Pressure and Channeling, as causing maintenance of traditional-attitudes.Show less
In the aftermath of terrorist attacks in Europe, political elite articulations often link terrorist attacks to an increase in migration. The chief focus of this study is to explain how migrants...Show moreIn the aftermath of terrorist attacks in Europe, political elite articulations often link terrorist attacks to an increase in migration. The chief focus of this study is to explain how migrants were perceived in France by political elites and the media in the context of the November 2015 attacks in Paris. Manifestos of the leading candidate parties published prior to the 2017 elections and media articles published in the aftermath of the attacks have been analyzed through the discourse analysis method. This study finds that the migration-terrorism nexus was accorded increased saliency by the far-right party. However, both leading candidates attempted to securitize the issues surrounding migration and presented the migration-terrorism nexus as a threat that merits urgent action. Finally, this study explains how the media conveyed the frames surrounding the migration-terrorism nexus to the public against the background of the existing security discourse. A study of this design has contributed towards a better understanding of the portrayal that informs France’s stance on issues such as terrorism and migration.Show less
The effects of global climate change are causing new patterns of human migration, which arises questions about decision-making in climate migration. This thesis analyses the influence of distance...Show moreThe effects of global climate change are causing new patterns of human migration, which arises questions about decision-making in climate migration. This thesis analyses the influence of distance to the host country in migration decision-making through the perceptions of Marshallese and I-Kiribati. In 32 surveys and 12 in-depth interviews among these Pacific islanders, this study finds that the reason for migration – more climate security – shapes migration motivations significantly. It therefore argues that climate change should be included as a factor in research on migration distances. In addition, it uncovers that that distance is not perceived solely geographical, but that the islanders also discern sociocultural, economic, climatic and political distance. This research therefore suggests that the definition of distance will be expanded to fit it into this multi-dimensional character.Show less
More than twenty years ago, Fearon (1994; 1997) has argued that democracies are more likely to successfully compel a target state than nondemocracies. However, empirical evidence suggests that this...Show moreMore than twenty years ago, Fearon (1994; 1997) has argued that democracies are more likely to successfully compel a target state than nondemocracies. However, empirical evidence suggests that this is not the case (Snyder & Borghard, 2011; Trachtenberg, 2012; Downes & Sechser, 2012; Sechser, 2018, 335). Consequently, a new understanding of the relationship between regime type and compellence outcomes is needed (Gartzke & Lupu, 2012). I argue that democratic leaders have more incentives to keep the costs of conflict low. Consequently, they will want to prevent disputes from escalating. Hence, they are more likely to not mobilise their troops or to mobilise air troops during a conflict. These options have a lower risk of escalating the conflict than the mobilisation of land or naval troops (Pfundstein Chamberlain, 2016; Post, 2019a). By choosing the careful option, democratic leaders will not be perceived as resolved by the target state (Fearon, 1994; Fearon, 1997; Pfundstein Chamberlain, 2016; Post, 2019a). As a result, compellent threats issued by democracies will have a lower chance to be successful in comparison to threats issued by nondemocracies. I have tested this hypothesis by the Militarised Compellent Threat (MCT) database (Sechser, 2011b).Show less
This research compares the response of the United Nations during the Arab spring of 2011. I try to find an answer to the question of why the United Nations did intervene in Libya and not in Syria....Show moreThis research compares the response of the United Nations during the Arab spring of 2011. I try to find an answer to the question of why the United Nations did intervene in Libya and not in Syria. With this research, I try to contribute to the earlier research of Hultman (2012) were she argues that one-sided violence is a strong predictor for United Nations interventions. I analyze the cases of Libya and Syria with a comparative case study design. Libya and Syria have a lot of similarities in the start and outcome of the conflicts. The only thing different is the response of the international community. In Libya the United Nations did intervene, in Syria they did not. I found that in the case of Libya one-sided violence was indeed the reason of intervention. However, in the case of Syria, it was not. I found that all (draft) resolutions on Syria and Libya were related to one-sided violence. However, in the case of Syria, one-sided violence did not result in an United Nations intervention. I argue that although one-sided violence is a great concern to all member states of the United Nations Security Council, it is for several members of the Security Council not always important enough to start an intervention.Show less
Forced marriage of girls under the age of eighteen is regarded as a fundamental violation of the rights of the child. Despite this fact, armed groups are known to use it as a strategic tactic. They...Show moreForced marriage of girls under the age of eighteen is regarded as a fundamental violation of the rights of the child. Despite this fact, armed groups are known to use it as a strategic tactic. They abduct large groups of girls with the intention to marry them off to members of their rebel group. Yet this is not the case in all armed groups, as there are armed groups who do not show a single case of forced marriages. In this thesis, I will research why this variation occurs. I will argue that the use of forced recruitment by an armed group will influence the use of forced marriages. Groups that use forced recruitment often struggle with group cohesion. Forced marriages can be used to solve this problem through social bonding, the establishment of a family unit and making connections to the local population. This theory will be tested though process tracing using a comparative case analysis of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) and the Civil Defence Force (CDF) in Sierra Leone during the civil war from 1991 to 2001.Show less
In the literature it is argued that economic and political uncertainty induced by political instability has adverse effects on investments of corporations. Political instability in the form of...Show moreIn the literature it is argued that economic and political uncertainty induced by political instability has adverse effects on investments of corporations. Political instability in the form of civil wars, political violence and political unrest has long been a factor for companies in deciding whether to continue or discontinue their investments. Although scholars are divided whether uncertainty leads to higher or lower levels of private investment, the majority concur that the latter is more likely in sub-Sahara Africa. However, the case of Heineken N.V. and its subsidiary Bralirwa in Rwanda forms an anomaly in the literature on investment under uncertainty. Despite the outbreak of the Rwandan civil war followed by the Rwandan genocide, Heineken remained active when the mass slaughter was going on. In this thesis, I will analyze the Heineken case by using a neo-classical model based on the option pricing theory where there is an option to shut down operations during uncertainty. I argue that although it is an anomaly for the investment literature, this case can be elucidated with Dunning’s Ownership Location Internalization framework. The results indicate that Heineken remained operational in Rwanda due to ownership and internalization advantages. Furthermore, the case presents evidence against the notion of political instability lowering private investment in sub-Sahara Africa.Show less
The United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC, 2004) is the only legally binding instrument committed to fighting corruption worldwide, a practice that corrodes and democratic values....Show moreThe United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC, 2004) is the only legally binding instrument committed to fighting corruption worldwide, a practice that corrodes and democratic values. Previous research into corruption has mainly focused on defining corruption and the consequences of corruption. This field has broadly overlooked the relationship between political corruption and armed conflict onset, which is this thesis’ focus. The theory is built on separate fields of study often studied in isolation; the consequences of corruption and the causes of armed conflict onset. Compared to previous research, this research has a more comprehensive approach, by incorporating insights of multiple theories, exploring the positive and negative direct effects of political corruption on conflict onset, and by including a large timeframe and data for 205 countries. Using a logit model on data from 1984 to 2017, this thesis finds that political corruption increases the chances of armed conflict onset. Unequal distribution of resources, rights and freedoms may lead to conflict as marginalised groups experience grievances. Political corruption also damages political trust which results in pressures on state legitimacy. Governments, perceived less legitimate, may find it hard to mediate between competing groups which increases the chance of armed conflict onset.Show less
The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan remains unresolved for more than three decades. Previous studies on frozen conflicts focus on various aspects contributing to their...Show moreThe Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan remains unresolved for more than three decades. Previous studies on frozen conflicts focus on various aspects contributing to their prolongation but largely neglected the influence of public opinion. However, existing studies on the relationship between public opinion and foreign policy argue that public preferences and attitudes may have a significant impact on elites’ decisions concerning conflicts’ development and resolution talks. In this thesis, I argue that studying public opinion in Armenia and Azerbaijan towards the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict can have wide-ranging implications for our understanding of frozen conflicts duration. The analysis shows that negative public opinion has a profound effect on the conflict prolongation, both directly and indirectly. Directly, by constraining policy-makers in their attempts to resolve the conflict and indirectly by providing the elites with incentives to perpetuate the conflict .Show less
How a state responds to protests can have profound consequences, since the violent repression of protests may cause an escalation into armed conflict and diffusion to neighboring countries. State...Show moreHow a state responds to protests can have profound consequences, since the violent repression of protests may cause an escalation into armed conflict and diffusion to neighboring countries. State violence against protesters is an important topic of research, considering its potential to result in many civilian deaths. Even so, the literature on state repression and dissent does not explain variations in the lethality of state violence against protesters. Instead, existing studies only differentiate between violent and non-violent state responses to protests. I address this shortcoming by testing the theory that the lethality of state violence is influenced by protestergenerated concession costs. To examine my argument, I analyze state responses to Iranian protest events in 2009 and 2019. In 2019, state violence against protesters was significantly more lethal than in 2009. I compare both events using a process tracing method. The analysis shows that in 2019, protester demands were more radical and more recurrent, and protesters were more violent. This confirms that concession costs influence the lethality of state violence against protesters. These results provide substantial insights into the dynamics of protests and repression, which are useful for scholars, activists, and policy makers.Show less
