This study employs process tracing to investigate public goods provision within two renowned tax havens, Switzerland and Ireland. Contrary to the general belief associating tax havens with under...Show moreThis study employs process tracing to investigate public goods provision within two renowned tax havens, Switzerland and Ireland. Contrary to the general belief associating tax havens with under-provision of public goods, these cases present intriguing differences in their levels of public goods provision. Through the analysis of government policies, transparency, political systems, and historical contexts, this thesis deciphers the complex factors shaping this provision. The findings reveal nuanced dynamics in tax havens, contributing to a more comprehensive understanding of their societal implications and informing potential policy improvements.Show less
The global HIV/AIDS response has been under threat. Progress has been faltering and resources have been shrinking due to the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine. HIV-testing is the first step...Show moreThe global HIV/AIDS response has been under threat. Progress has been faltering and resources have been shrinking due to the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine. HIV-testing is the first step in fighting the AIDS epidemic and governments play a large role here. This study tests with a linear regression whether a socially conservative government influences HIV-testing rates, controlling for GDP, state religion, region, HIV-prevalence, and democracy. The results find that having a socially conservative government has a negative effect on HIV-testing rates. A case study of Brazil corroborates this finding and shows that the socially conservative government has lowered demand for HIV-testing by reinforcing HIV-related stigma and discrimination. It is concluded that to end the AIDS epidemic we need to tackle the inequalities that perpetuate it. This thesis finishes by making recommendations such as the use of self-tests and community-led testing to reduce stigma.Show less
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has caused the European security order to collapse. In response, the European Union (EU) has begun re-evaluating its security and defence policies. Consequently, it...Show moreThe Russian invasion of Ukraine has caused the European security order to collapse. In response, the European Union (EU) has begun re-evaluating its security and defence policies. Consequently, it is worth examining whether the Russian invasion constitutes a critical juncture for the EU’s security and defence policies. The EU’s main policy in this area is the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), while only formalised in 2009 with the Lisbon Treaty, European security and defence policy has a long evolutionary history. However, much of that history shows neglect and little action to achieve further integration. This study conducts a content analysis of the rhetoric used by the High Representative/Vice President (HR/VP) to determine whether the EU called for institutional stability, constrained change, or abrupt change following the Russian invasion. Additionally, the policy decisions of the Foreign Affairs Council (FAC) are evaluated to determine whether changes to European security and defence policy can be categorised as layering, displacement, drift, or conversion. These findings are contrasted with a similar evaluation of the EU’s response to the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea to determine whether the contrast allows for the determination that the Russian invasion constitutes a critical juncture. In line with the hypothesis, there is a stark contrast in the EU’s response between the two cases under evaluation, the rhetoric of the HR/VP shows significant calls for abrupt change and the FAC has agreed upon numerous changes to the CSDP. The findings indicate that the Russian invasion represents a critical juncture for the EU’s security and defence policies.Show less
Decisions over the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) in the EU have been historically confined to the European Council and thus the European member states (EU MS). Nonetheless, the European...Show moreDecisions over the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) in the EU have been historically confined to the European Council and thus the European member states (EU MS). Nonetheless, the European Commission (EC) finds itself increasingly involved in security and defense policy integration. This gradual yet certain shifting of power from the intergovernmental to supranational level within the EU's CSDP remains a gap in the literature. So far, the literature has acknowledged the relevant role of the European Commission in the integration of "low politics" policy areas like trade. However, it has neglected the role of the European Commission in "high politics" policy areas like security and defense. This paper investigates the research question: to what extent is the European Commission a relevant actor in EU security and defense integration? The paper argues for an increasingly relevant position of the European Commission, particularly within the EU's security policy integration. Specifically, this paper adopts a historical neo-institutionalist theory, process tracing methodology, and an interpretivist approach. It bases its analysis of the CSDP's developments on a longitudinal case study design from 2009 to today. It concludes that the EC is a relevant actor in the EU's security policy integration but not yet one for the EU's defense policy integration.Show less
