To what extent did China's accessioning the WTO in 2001, cause a shift towards protectionism in the Obama administration's economic policy towards Chinese imports?
The Chinese Dream has been a buzzword for theorizing about China's future ever since Xi Jinping took office in 2012. But what does it mean for ordinary Chinese people? How big can their dreams get...Show moreThe Chinese Dream has been a buzzword for theorizing about China's future ever since Xi Jinping took office in 2012. But what does it mean for ordinary Chinese people? How big can their dreams get in a society that seems to revolve around the group and not the individual?Show less
This thesis examines the development of South Korea's multiculturalism discourse, specifically with regards to multicultural families. To establish how the multicultural discourse developed in a...Show moreThis thesis examines the development of South Korea's multiculturalism discourse, specifically with regards to multicultural families. To establish how the multicultural discourse developed in a local context in the 2010s, a reality TV program, Global Family's Life in Korea, will be analyzed. The thesis will answer the question of how the reality genre, particularly the case of Global Family's Life in Korea, is significant in how the Korean multiculturalism discourse is currently developing.Show less
The left-right binary as a concept is often too narrow and confined to serve as an explanation for complex political developments and changes. There are too many variables and incremental...Show moreThe left-right binary as a concept is often too narrow and confined to serve as an explanation for complex political developments and changes. There are too many variables and incremental differences between parties to place them on a spectrum solely based on a one-dimensional left-right understanding. Introducing a more detailed measurement is going to be challenging, to act as a substitute for the reductionist concept of left and right, as it is well rooted in the political discourse. In the case of the Green party in Germany, with the help of sophisticated variables such as the economy, migration politics and security, it is possible to delineate the party during a fixed time span. The analysis of the election programs from the last three national elections in Germany show that the Greens have not seized right-wing values but have toned down their commitment to left ones. There are clear indicators across all three assess variables that demonstrate a move away from the party’s traditionally socialist stance towards a less nuanced position of the center. Thus, an abandoning process can be detected and analyzed, which infers closer ties to center voters. To learn more about this development of the party, it is necessary to analyze more documents by the Greens like further election programs but also speeches and other statements as well as material about the party by political scientists or the party representatives’ behavior in the Bundestag. However, these endeavors go far beyond the scope of this thesis. Regarding the origins of the discovered shift, it is unclear, if it has occurred due to the initial entrance of the AfD or other major events that influenced the political sphere in Germany like the tragic terror attacks, or if the shift originated from an intrinsic motivation. The change in leadership, from a mixed constellation to solely “Realos” at the helm may indicate a long-term development of the party with a greater emphasis on pragmatism and flexibility than fundamental values. In the aftermath of the breakdown of the “Jamaika” talks, the Greens’ reputation and standing has not deteriorated as much as the FDP’s. Therefore, the trajectory of the Greens is difficult to predict (Spiegel Online 2017). The results of the aforementioned elections for the Green party are non-linear. In 2009 the Greens gained 10.7 percent of all the votes, followed by a drop in the next election with 8.4 percent on a domestic level. In the 2017 election they managed to recover and received 8.9 percent of the total votes (Statistisches Landesamt Baden-Württemberg 2017). When comparing the results with the SPD who went from 23 percent in the 2009 election to 25.7 percent in 2013 to 20.5 percent in 2017, the Greens managed to stabilize their party and avoid a further drop (Statistisches Landesamt Baden-Württemberg 2017). While comparing the results the observation that the Greens have benefitted from their shift in policies is partially correct. How the party is going to fare when populist parties such as the AfD continue to amass support and influence is a question that does not have to be limited to the Greens but can be asked of all major parties. German politics are experiencing turbulences and it remains to be seen when a more serene course is chosen. Consequently, public speeches delivered with such emotion and conviction, as the aforementioned speech by Cem Özdemir, may not remain an exception.Show less
In a global community ever more transformed by climate vulnerabilities, cooperation along transboundary rivers has increasingly transcended from the environmental, to the political domain. This...Show moreIn a global community ever more transformed by climate vulnerabilities, cooperation along transboundary rivers has increasingly transcended from the environmental, to the political domain. This holds especially true for the industrially powered economy of the People’s Republic of China, which, after its initial economic take-off, started pursuing an energy diplomacy strategy vis-à-vis the neighboring Greater Mekong Sub-region. However, predominantly known as the ‘upstream superpower’, that ambition poses challenges for this country on a quest for water resources. This thesis focuses on the Mekong sub-region country Cambodia, which, since becoming a member of ASEAN and WTO, has deepened economic, as well as political ties with China. Here, the effects of China’s importance to Cambodia are evaluated, by looking at three critical components: 1) investment; 2) aid; and 3) trade. The analysis shows how China, through the provision of economic incentives through these pathways, has managed to increase both political support, while safeguarding domestic energy security. The thesis uses Cambodia’s hydropower sector as its case study to show how China’s regional pursuit, geo-economics strategy, and energy diplomacy can shed light on recent regional power shifts and China’s increasingly recognized regional role as a cooperative leader.Show less
An analysis on China's ambiguous stance on the Syrian conflict and the subsequent issues arising from it. China has over the years developed a foreign policy that deflects from its initial non...Show moreAn analysis on China's ambiguous stance on the Syrian conflict and the subsequent issues arising from it. China has over the years developed a foreign policy that deflects from its initial non-intervention motto to a more decisive role in global and regional politics. Despite reaffirming its commitment to non-interventionism, its stance and support towards Russia and the Assad's regime amidst the Syrian conflict, raises questions on whether or not China is abiding by its own rules. This thesis looks at this particular change in behaviour with the following research question: to what extent is it possible to consider China's involvement in the Syrian conflict as intervention? Firstly, this thesis seeks to analyse China's stance by looking at the use of its veto power at the United Nations Security Council, which seeks to implement resolutions aimed at sanctioning Assad's regime, offering thus its unwavering support to both Russia and Syria. Secondly, it asserts whether China's has indeed been involved military in the conflict through the transfer of arms from China to the Middle East, in particular Syria and Iran.Show less
The Japanese society has been decreasing over the past two decades, which has resulted in a decrease in the labour force and correspondingly the economy. The increase in female labour force,...Show moreThe Japanese society has been decreasing over the past two decades, which has resulted in a decrease in the labour force and correspondingly the economy. The increase in female labour force, immigrants, elderly and part-time workers have all been suggested as solutions but will not have the desired decrease in labour shortage due to the social tension it will cause. Robots on the other hand have been incorporated in the Japanese society and will not cause social tension. The economy can be revived by the new possibilities the fourth industrial revolution provides. The new robots can increase productivity by replacing employees or working together with the employee. Increasing productivity will lead to a sectorial increase in international position, and, if promoted correctly by the state, can be the leader in the economic revival of the economy of Japan.Show less
This thesis aims to examine the role of the movement for the international recognition of the 1988 massacre of political prisoners in Iran, and the impact of their activities on the development of...Show moreThis thesis aims to examine the role of the movement for the international recognition of the 1988 massacre of political prisoners in Iran, and the impact of their activities on the development of the case within international human rights institutions. When the massacre took place in 1988, international responses were limited, however, nowadays it seems to be receiving newfound attention within human rights fora such as the Human Rights Council. Central to this thesis is identifying how this newfound attention has come into existence. Firstly, it looks at whether it can indeed be established that the massacre is receiving more recognition now, than when it took place 30 years ago. Secondly, it conducts an analysis of the development of the 1988 movement, arguing that the movement was able to influence the recognition through years of professionalization and the exercise of their own agency. Thirdly, it looks at the close interdependence of Iranian activists in exile, and Iranian activists who remain inside Iran, attributing the movement’s impact to their close cooperation.Show less
The Kurdish question of statehood has been relevant for centuries, and the debate has especially flared up in light of the Kurdish assistance against ISIS, and the 2017 referendum for a Kurdish...Show moreThe Kurdish question of statehood has been relevant for centuries, and the debate has especially flared up in light of the Kurdish assistance against ISIS, and the 2017 referendum for a Kurdish state. Up to this day, and for over a century, the Kurdish tribes have struggled to find a structure of self-governance in the form of an autonomous state. Despite having been a culture present in the Middle East in history and tradition from before the arrival of both the Turks and the Arabs, they seem to have been left out when cultures such as the two latter transformed their respective social structures to statehood. During the creation of many Middle Eastern states, and afterwards during the period in which these consolidated their domestic structures, the Kurdish tribes were involuntarily assimilated into a number of “new” states after the fall of the Ottoman empire. Once in submission of their new boundaries, the Kurdish peoples had to accept a variety of foreign realities concerning their own political, economic, and social beliefs. This thesis concerns itself with the relationship between Tribalism and Democracy, and how 'the tribe' as both a social structure and a signifier of identity can be both a stimulant and an impediment to nationalism.Show less
Internecine conflicts have been going on in the Republic of Yemen almost from the moment that the republic was established in 1990. However, what distinguishes the most recent bouts of fighting...Show moreInternecine conflicts have been going on in the Republic of Yemen almost from the moment that the republic was established in 1990. However, what distinguishes the most recent bouts of fighting from past clashes is the way religion has been brought into the fray. Antigovernment Houthis have stated that they are defending their unique Zaydi version of Islam against Wahhabi/Salafi subversion. Those leading the pro-government faction increasingly portray the conflict as part of the larger struggle against Iranian/Shia infringement of Sunni areas. Constructivist theories of international relations can go some way in helping to understand these recent developments. The definition of an “identity” – whether in terms of religion, ethnicity or culture – serves as a rallying point for a collective body that perceives itself as being under some kind of threat. Hence, as the Saudi military coalition encroached into Houthi-controlled areas in the west and north of Yemen, the Houthis promoted their distinct ethno-religious identity to help mount resistance. In addition, the Houthis focused on their Shia identity to gain support from Iran, the traditional defender of Shia Muslims, as well as from the international community, which generally condemns ethnic or religious discrimination. As for the opposing side in the Yemeni government, explaining the conflict in terms of not only Iranian but also Shia expansionism (the two generally being seen as synonymous) helps to secure continued Saudi support. This paper evaluates how this kind of political sectarianism is framed by Yemeni leaders and spokespeople of the two sides in their public comments – largely speeches, interviews and official statements. At the same time, it takes a broader perspective and applies the same kind of analysis to the stories published by key regional news outlets. By putting this frame analysis into a simple “then vs now” comparison, this paper seeks to determine whether sectarianism has in some way grown worse over the last five years. It is the contention of this paper that, although there is an endemic sectarian element to the Yemen conflict, this is largely exaggerated by observers who claim that it is its main driver. The apparent increase in the religiosity among the opposing parties can be traced to the presence of foreign sponsors, who have a vested interest in portraying the conflict as part of something that transcends base power politics.Show less
This paper aims to examine EU’s power as an influencer against revisionist actors in its immediate proximity, especially through conditionality and socialization and their possible side effects, an...Show moreThis paper aims to examine EU’s power as an influencer against revisionist actors in its immediate proximity, especially through conditionality and socialization and their possible side effects, an idea which has not been examined adequately in academia thus far. Initially the concept of power in IR will be introduced with a special mention to its European form. Afterwards, the EU’s relationship with two revisionist regional actors (Turkey and Russia) is explored. The first case, examines the EU’s handling of Turkey during the displacement crisis and the latter’s shift towards authoritarianism. It will be shown that despite the fact that the EU has managed to dramatically decrease the influx of people in its territory, it has paid a steep political cost domestically and internationally. The second case shows how Russian preferential treatment to certain member-states impeded a unified approach from the EU. Only after the events in Ukraine a unilateral approach was agreed. Both cases show that the European understanding and usage of power is limited and prohibits the development of an ambitious policy mainly due to the current level of European integration and member-states will. Such results are important as they not only show current limitations of the EU’s policy-making, but also highlight some of the areas that require amelioration in order to enhance the EU’s capabilities in todays’ challenges.Show less
Since the formation of the Peruvian Republic in 1821, until the creation of the Truth and Reconcili- ation Commission in 2001, collective memory was curated through a single narrative. This type of...Show moreSince the formation of the Peruvian Republic in 1821, until the creation of the Truth and Reconcili- ation Commission in 2001, collective memory was curated through a single narrative. This type of collective memory curation aimed at building a national identity and thus unifying a country with deep-rooted ethnic, social and geographic divisions. However, as Peru was ravaged by an internal war from the year 1980 to 2000, the deadliest conflict the nation has faced in its history, new spaces opened for the curation of collective memory. The most notable of these spaces are memory sites and museums, which fuels the question that guides this thesis: what is the role of memory sites and memory museums in curating collective memory in post-conflict Peru? Firstly, the concept ‘new wars’ and how it has shaped the meaning of post-conflict shall be explored. Followed by a delve into collect- ive memory and how its curation has changed in the last century through memory sites and museums. Consequently, chapter two analyses the socio-political context which led to the development of new ways of curating collective memory in Peru and the role collective memory had and has in national politics. Chapter three analyses the role of the ‘Lugar de la Memoria, Tolerancia y la Inclusion Social’ (Place of Memory, Tolerance and Social Inclusion, LUM) in curating collective memory in post-conflict Peru.Show less
Today around 2.5 billion people remain unbanked or underbanked, meaning they lack access to basic services such as checking accounts and loans. In addition, social entrepreneurs desperately need...Show moreToday around 2.5 billion people remain unbanked or underbanked, meaning they lack access to basic services such as checking accounts and loans. In addition, social entrepreneurs desperately need sustainable financial vehicles to stimulate economic growth from the bottom-up in underdeveloped countries. How to bring financial services to the doorstep of the poor has hence always been a question at the forefront of the global development industry. Since its inception in the 1970’s, the modern concept of microfinance has consequently drawn much attention to itself. At times, its pioneer father Muhammad Yunus has even been hailed as having invented the solution which would ultimately end global poverty. This thesis first examines microfinance in Kenya and evaluates its respective effectiveness in stimulating social entrepreneurship. It then includes social venture capital as a possible alternative to traditional impact investment tools and ultimately hints at a new combined direction in financing Africa.Show less
