This thesis explores power dynamics in public institutions and their impact on the implementation of SDG 11 in Barcelona. Through a critical realism approach, a case study and qualitative...Show moreThis thesis explores power dynamics in public institutions and their impact on the implementation of SDG 11 in Barcelona. Through a critical realism approach, a case study and qualitative methodology are used to understand the historical and contemporary influence of institutional power. The data collected, through semi-structured interviews and documentary analysis, highlights how critical junctures over the last three decades have created institutional inertias that affect the implementation of SDG 11 in the city. Resistance to change, prioritisation of economic efficiency over sustainability and the need for inter-institutional collaboration are identified as key factors. The lessons learned from the Barcelona experience could inform implementation strategies for sustainable urban development policies in similar contexts. Despite its limitations, this study contributes to the theoretical and practical understanding of SDG implementation in urban settings and suggests directions for future research.Show less
The European Central Bank (ECB) is an important institute of the European Union that has been perceived as becoming more political. To analyze this, this paper looks at the concept of...Show moreThe European Central Bank (ECB) is an important institute of the European Union that has been perceived as becoming more political. To analyze this, this paper looks at the concept of politicization and how it can be related to the European Central Bank in the period from 2003 to 2019. In this research there will be a focus on institutional politicization, meaning that it will look at institutional aspects of the ECB itself to see if they are politicized. To measure the relevance of politicization within this case study, four dimensions will be looked into: (1) the voting behavior, on recommendations for candidates for the ECB executive board, of the European parliament; (2) the questionnaires that the three candidates for ECB president received from the European parliament; (3) the communication strategy of the ECB; and (4) the centralization within the ECB. The findings suggest that the dimensions demonstrate potentially politicized aspects.Show less
This research has examined to what extent the hiring practices of the EU Agency for Cooperation of Energy Regulators (ACER) contribute to the creation of an epistemic community. Classifying this...Show moreThis research has examined to what extent the hiring practices of the EU Agency for Cooperation of Energy Regulators (ACER) contribute to the creation of an epistemic community. Classifying this group of employees as an epistemic community requires a shared knowledge base and degree of socialisation, which practically means a large degree of overlap in knowledge, normative beliefs, and interests. The results do not indicate that ACER has a preference for hiring individuals with the same type of expertise, degree of socialisation, or shared interests, which means that ACER’s hiring practices are not responsible for the possible formation of an epistemic community. This could alleviate societal concerns about sub-optimal decisions being made by an organisation that they have no direct control over and adds a new perspective on the external factors of norm internalisationShow less
With the growth of populism and anti-establishment groups, the spread of authoritarianism and illiberalism, and the effect of the Covid-19 pandemic on democratic government, the world today is...Show moreWith the growth of populism and anti-establishment groups, the spread of authoritarianism and illiberalism, and the effect of the Covid-19 pandemic on democratic government, the world today is experiencing a crisis of democracy. In this context, it is crucial to comprehend the differences in citizen satisfaction with democracy and attitudes towards national technocratic governments under technocratic and non-technocratic governments, as well as how these attitudes and satisfaction levels relate to the current crisis and the difficulties facing liberal democracy. This paper tries to investigate these dynamics in the context of Italy, a member of the European Union with a history of technocratic governments. The study will use survey data to examine how Italian individuals' perceptions of technocratic and party governments differ and how these perceptions connect to the crisis and the difficulties facing liberal democracy. The findings of this study will serve to shed light on the complex relationship between democracy and technocracy in view of the difficulties within democracy and will serve to shape our understanding of these developments.Show less
In the summer of 2023, the Dutch Ministry will launch a feminist foreign policy. We expect this to be a mainly liberal feminist foreign policy. This is comparable to current efforts in name of...Show moreIn the summer of 2023, the Dutch Ministry will launch a feminist foreign policy. We expect this to be a mainly liberal feminist foreign policy. This is comparable to current efforts in name of feminism in Dutch foreign policy, as well as the feminist foreign policies of Sweden, Canada and France. In this thesis, we explore if and how such a liberal feminist foreign policy aligns with stakeholder perspectives on what a feminist foreign policy should entail. By using Q-methodology, we ask respondents to rank statements on foreign policy from perspectives rooted in liberal-, cultural-, socialist-, intersectional- and postcolonial feminist theory. We conclude that respondents rank liberal feminist statements the lowest. Rather, respondents argue for a Dutch feminist foreign policy that prioritizes perspectives rooted in intersectional- and postcolonial feminism.Show less
Background The base assumption of crime fighting is that if crime does not pay, the incentive to conduct criminal activities goes away. This is the main underlying assumption of the act of...Show moreBackground The base assumption of crime fighting is that if crime does not pay, the incentive to conduct criminal activities goes away. This is the main underlying assumption of the act of confiscating criminal assets. The targets set by the policies surrounding confiscating criminal assets in the Netherlands however do not seem to correspond to the scale to the problem. This master thesis inquires if the lack of (scientific) clarity on the scale of the problem and/or the lack of a clear political stance on the size of the problem, prevent the confiscation targets to correspond to the scale of the problem. Policy with a clear problem definition backed by scientific insights makes for a more Evidence-Based Policy Making (EBPM). This case study might enrich EBPM surrounding salient cases. Method A systematic review of the literature surrounding evidence-based policymaking is made. Especially the barriers of evidence-use, and the existing literature surrounding confiscating criminal assets are described. A case description of the current policy of confiscating criminal assets has been made. And interviews have been conducted with mostly street-level professionals in the field of confiscating criminal assets. With data triangulation between multiple sources of literature, public policy papers, and in-depth interviews with professionals, the main research question; ‘Why do confiscation targets not correspond to the scale of the problem?’, has been answered and thus a picture has been painted if the policy of confiscating criminal assets is evidence-based. Results There seems to be no clear scientific consensus on the scale of the criminal economy and thus the size of the problem. Various studies have attributed the lack of research as a significant barrier to Evidence-Based Policymaking (EBPM). The lack of scientific consensus or clarity however, seems not to get cited as a very big issue or obstacle by interviewees or policy documents. Nonetheless in no official document there is an attempt to relate or connect the confiscation targets to the perceived yearly circulation of criminal assets. And what results achieving the targets would bring. This has been confirmed in the analysis. The consensus being: what chain partners confiscate on an annual basis is neglectable. All interviewees agree that the seizure potential is greater than what is achieved right now. In policy documents a large emphasis is put on strategy in a sense of what the government wants to do or make possible, but not what they are expecting from it. Conclusion The Dutch government itself does not state, or attempts to estimate, the size of the criminal economy and/or the confiscation potential. The lack of substantiated confiscation targets, be it scientific wise, but especially policy wise, leaves everyone in doubt. Some rationalization of what effects hitting the confiscation targets pursues, even with queries about not being very well substantiated, makes the confiscation targets correspond to the scale of the problem better than how the situation is right now. A clear political stance might also further the scientific debate. Formulating a position, might and most likely will evoke a (scientific) responds. This in turn might result in more scientific consensus which in turn can lead to more evidence-based policymaking.Show less
Academic literature indicates an increasing demand for independent evaluation within the government. At the same time, external consultants are progressively deployed to meet this demand. This...Show moreAcademic literature indicates an increasing demand for independent evaluation within the government. At the same time, external consultants are progressively deployed to meet this demand. This study focuses on the independent position of external consultants because truly independent research is merely possible if the preconditions for evaluation are reliable. That being said, the Dutch government has not implemented overarching guidelines for shaping the independent position of external consultants, leaving ministries free to give their own interpretation or direction. Consequently, differences across ministries possibly exist in shaping the independent position of external consultants. This study tries to uncover how the characteristics of ministries shape the independent position of external consultants, and how those differences can be explained across ministries by analysing policy reviews. Three pre-determined characteristics are used: experience, size and salience. Nine different policy reviews are analysed across six different ministries. In total, 22 interviews are conducted, with both civil servants (thirteen interviews) and external consultants (nine interviews). Additionally, document analysis is utilised to provide information that cannot be gathered through interviews. The results indicate that no definite conclusion could be made on the link between experience and the independent position and size and the independent position. However, experience and size are linked on some occasions. That is that staff changes and reorganizations within the ministry have caused losses in capacity, which consequently harms the institutional memory of the bureaucracy. Furthermore, a plausible link between salience and the shaping of the independent position of external evaluators is discovered. Salience seems to have changed the ministry’s work culture, thereby focussing more on scientifically, independent evaluations. In addition, salience seems to also have strengthened the evaluation organization within various ministries. Moreover, this study uncovered three additional characteristics that could shape the independent position: the work culture, evaluation function and the character of the policy domain in which the ministry operates.Show less
This thesis explores the relationship between bureaucratic accountability and their disposition toward utilizing algorithms in their decision-making processes. Drawing upon the literature on...Show moreThis thesis explores the relationship between bureaucratic accountability and their disposition toward utilizing algorithms in their decision-making processes. Drawing upon the literature on government accountability and aversion to algorithmic decision-making, it hypothesizes that the more public officials are aware of the chains of accountability they are tied to, the less favorable they will be to utilizing algorithms. The hypothesis is tested through a case study of the Chilean Institute of Social Services, which employs multiple algorithms to automate eligibility decisions for pension and other social benefit applications. To trace the organization’s bureaucratic accountability chain, data collection is based on semi-structured interviews of public officials from different hierarchical levels. The results confirm several theoretical expectations on reduced discretion, muddled authority over the algorithm and algorithmic opacity, leading to blame avoidance within the organization. However, the results also disprove the hypothesized negative relationship, revealing that officials with high awareness and perceptions of individual accountability instead favor using algorithms to automate decisions. Further analysis of the dependent variable reveals that a favorable disposition toward algorithm use is overwhelmingly tied to the perception of trust. The individual descriptions of bureaucrats convey clues for an alternative explanation of the outcome, suggesting that stringent evaluation and audit practices can help circumvent algorithm aversion resulting from opaque algorithms or reduced discretion. Such a potential explanation implies that bureaucratic accountability chains could serve as a substitute source of trust, allowing public servants to hold the algorithm to account by proxy. The qualitative accounts in this thesis offer insights into how bureaucrats feel personally accountable for the algorithms they use, expanding the literature of public officials’ reliance on algorithmic decision-making.Show less
The European Parliament’s vote on the European Climate Law was a controversial and pivotal battle ground for the climate politics, with the Greens and The Left joining the far-right Identity &...Show moreThe European Parliament’s vote on the European Climate Law was a controversial and pivotal battle ground for the climate politics, with the Greens and The Left joining the far-right Identity & Democracy Group in a vote against the law, while the Socialists and European People’s Party voted in favor. Expert analyses judge the Climate Law as insufficiently ambitious in light of the European Union’s targets set out in the Paris Agreement. This thesis, using Habermas’ theory on deliberative democracy as a framework, focuses on the European Parliament’s plenary debates on the European Climate Law to investigate whether democratic deliberation has a connection with climate policymaking. By conducting a discourse analysis of plenary debates using the Discourse Quality Index, this thesis explores the connection between deliberation and climate policy. The debates on the European Climate Law are analyzed, including a total of 141 speeches. As political groups have a high level of internal cohesion, the results are broken down according to political groups and their respective votes on the EU’s Climate Law. The results show that the political groups which voted against the climate law - due to its lack of ambition – had the highest quality of deliberation in the debates. The group which voted against the law - due to it being too ambitious – had the lowest quality of deliberation. These results suggest that a higher quality of deliberation is associated with more ambitious climate policy. The findings of this thesis thereby support the idea that strengthening deliberative democracy has the potential of making climate policymaking more aligned with the ambition of the Paris Agreement.Show less
Around the world, scientific discourse and experts have become more prevalent and influential. Although successful policymaking involves a lot of expert input, there are also concerns in societies...Show moreAround the world, scientific discourse and experts have become more prevalent and influential. Although successful policymaking involves a lot of expert input, there are also concerns in societies regarding the issues that are emerging from the expanding involvement of experts in policymaking. Furthermore, experts frequently disagree with one another, which may lead the general public to interpret expert disagreement as a reason to distrust experts in public discourse. On the other hand, more expert disagreement can make it easier for politicians to pick and choose the knowledge they like to support their agenda. This study focusses on the role of expert knowledge through advisory commissions in the Dutch Nitrogen case and how expert disagreement relates to this role of expert knowledge. Governments often set up commission to help assist them with crises which implies a problemsolving function of a commission. However, this study argues that expert disagreement enables the advisory commissions' role to be recognized equally for its legitimizing or substantiating function. The results show that expert disagreement does not necessarily leads to a substantiating or legitimizing function of expert knowledge but that both advisory commissions contain elements of all of the three functions of commissions.Show less
During the COVID-19 pandemic, it was assumed that European cooperation, both individually and collectively, would produce better results than autonomous national self-interest. Especially the...Show moreDuring the COVID-19 pandemic, it was assumed that European cooperation, both individually and collectively, would produce better results than autonomous national self-interest. Especially the demand for increased cross-national cooperation to accelerate data exchange for multilateral COVID-19 research to inform public health policy-making was highly critical. However, sharing health data for secondary purposes such as research is difficult, as technical, political, and ethical issues were identified before the COVID-19 pandemic. This thesis focused on data management issues and barriers such as a lack of metadata standards and data interoperability. Facilitating cross-border secondary use of health data to inform public health decisions has been on the EU's agenda for some time, leading to the creation of the Joint Action Towards the European Health Data Space and the European Commission’s recommendation on a European electronic health record exchange standard, among other things. The COVID-19 pandemic provided an excellent case study for determining whether these guidelines were adequate for guiding efficient data sharing in collaborative research. For instance, the EU made a significant investment in cooperative COVID-19 research projects with the goal of providing data to support public health policies. In this thesis, ReCoDID, ORCHESTRA, unCoVer, and SYNCHROS—four projects financed by the EU Horizon2020 program—are discussed in detail. The projects shed light on the challenges of sharing patient-level data from observational cohorts, particularly with regard to data management issues such as data interoperability. It was discovered that EU guidelines did enable the formation of research projects and that these projects were even aimed at improving data harmonisation and exchange in COVID-19 research. However, because there is still no EU-standardised agreement on the selection of data interoperability standards, this has become a difficult task. Specifically, none of the four projects examined was able to locate interoperability standards at the legal, policy, care process, information, application, or infrastructure levels.Show less
The process of equal representation between men and women in public decision-making has been an important topic in research for decades. Many variables have been researched to uncover which factors...Show moreThe process of equal representation between men and women in public decision-making has been an important topic in research for decades. Many variables have been researched to uncover which factors play a crucial role in obtaining equal representation. However, most research has focused on the quantitative analysis of these factors. This research aims to qualitatively determine the influence of four variables: quotas, electoral system, parties in power, national and EU policy, and international pressure on achieving equal gender representation in the Portuguese Republic. In order to examine the effects of these variables, process-tracing was utilized to analyze the period between 1974 (the end of the dictatorship in Portugal) till 2022. The research found that quotas were the most directly influential variable in increasing women's representation in Portugal. The electoral system had a supporting role, being more influential when paired with party lists that included women, and particularly when combined with the Parity Law. As for the parties in power, it was identified that left-wing parties were more likely to advocate for more equality and representation and that this effect did not change after the implementation of quotas. EU policy and International pressure significantly affected the Portuguese policy and plans for more women's representation, which in turn led to increased representation. Although individually influential, a strong interconnectedness between variables was identified. In conclusion, despite quotas having had the most direct effect on representation, this effect has only been achieved due to its interconnectedness to the other observed variables.Show less
Managerial networking is performed by managers and high-ranking employees in different organisations. This networking is done to achieve goals of the organisation. There are several factors that...Show moreManagerial networking is performed by managers and high-ranking employees in different organisations. This networking is done to achieve goals of the organisation. There are several factors that pose an effect on managerial networking. These can be factors within the organisation itself and factors of the external environment in which an organisation exists. In this thesis, institutional factors that influence managerial networking are analysed. Management capacity, formalisation, decentralisation, specialisation, and expertise are hypothesised to pose an effect an managerial networking. Analysing managerial networking behaviour more deeply, four types of managerial networking are tested: activating, framing, mobilising, and synthesizing. Lastly, results of networking are analysed in this research to include a view on what the managerial networking behaviour would eventually lead to. Three different types of results are analysed: resource allocation, political support, and legitimacy. A conceptual model is developed in which institutional factors, managerial networking behaviour, and results of networking are included. After conducting qualitative research in the form of interviews, hypothesis about the institutional factors are tested and the conceptual model is adapted. Institutional factors are deleted from the model and newly found factors that pose an effect on managerial networking are added. Moreover, an overview is given of specific relationships between certain institutional factors, managerial networking behaviours, and networking results.Show less
This single case study researches the preferences of the actors identified by the two leading theories of EU (legal) integration: liberal intergovernmentalism and neo-functionalism. The preferences...Show moreThis single case study researches the preferences of the actors identified by the two leading theories of EU (legal) integration: liberal intergovernmentalism and neo-functionalism. The preferences guided us to derive a conclusion on which theory can best explain the termination of intra-EU bilateral investment treaties (BITs). This provided new building blocks to the ongoing discussion of the theories contrasting approaches to EU integration. The methods used in this study are document analysis and within-case causal process tracing to uncover the different steps of the actors to measure their preferences. Liberal intergovernmentalism states that the EU member states’ preferences are the steering factor of legal integration as they are the masters of the EU treaties and the only actors that can alter them. The EU organs act as the agents of the states and are reactive to them. Neo-functionalists explain that individual actors and their self-interests determine integration. They form interest groups on the national and supranational levels and create spillover effects. Furthermore, as the EU agenda setter, the European Commission (EC) is a central actor in explaining EU legal integration. This study found convincing evidence that especially the EC was a significant steering factor in explaining the termination. Overall, the interest groups’ preferences from the supranational level picked up the economic needs of the national level and supported the termination of intra-EU BITs for a change to an EU-wide system to reduce transaction costs and boost the EU economy. This study argued that the member states reacted to these actors. Therefore, this study concluded that neo-functionalism is perceived as the better theoretical approach to explain the termination of intra-EU BITs.Show less
