Social media has become an integral component of public agencies and digital diplomacy. Prior scholars have emphasised the significance of social media in International relations (IR), discussing...Show moreSocial media has become an integral component of public agencies and digital diplomacy. Prior scholars have emphasised the significance of social media in International relations (IR), discussing its advantages and difficulties. Nevertheless, in terms of public administration, there is a gap in their management, namely, in understanding how to use different platforms and the significance of social media content in engaging with the public. This research delves into the field of digital Diplomacy, examining the strategic use of social media content by the European Union’s diplomatic missions based in Athens, focusing on engagement with the public. The mixed-method study examined how diplomatic missions use social media content to engage with the public by analyzing original posts on Twitter/X and Facebook and conducting semi-structured interviews with experts and diplomats from EU Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFAs) and embassies. The findings revealed that the EU embassies tend to employ posts that promote the countries’ image and interests’ indicators of Symbolic representation. In addition,they demonstrate a preference for Transparency by regularly sharing content that aligns with the policies, daily agenda and activity of the MFAs or embassies. The analysis using the Engagement Index (EI) results is noteworthy as it signifies an enhanced public connection with Coproduction content. Finally, the study reveals the strategic use of the platforms and the content for effective public engagement. Future researchers can delve into new directions by exploring other platforms or focusing on public reaction via sentimental analysis. In summary, this research emphasizes the importance of social media in diplomatic missions' external communication and advances the field by implementing the framework in digital diplomacy, particularly in the EU.Show less
Since the rise of artificial intelligence (AI) and its increased use in the public sector, there has been a two-fold debate in practice and academia about the relationship between transparency and...Show moreSince the rise of artificial intelligence (AI) and its increased use in the public sector, there has been a two-fold debate in practice and academia about the relationship between transparency and trust. On the one hand, transparency can create an open government culture and improve trust; on the other hand, transparency confuses citizens and leads to delegitimization of government. This research contributes to the debate by examining the effect of algorithmic decision-making transparency on institutional trust and procedural fairness's role in this relationship through a quantitative vignette study focusing on enforcing parking fines. The study distinguishes itself from others by measuring institutional trust by three dimensions (competence, benevolence, and honesty) and transparency by two dimensions (accessibility and explainability). The results reveal that: (1) accessibility increases institutional trust and trust in the competence and benevolence of the institution; (2) explainability increases institutional trust and trust in the competence of the institution; (3) procedural fairness negatively affects the relationship between accessibility and institutional trust and between accessibility and trust in the competence of the institution; (3) procedural fairness positively affects the relationship between explainability and trust in the benevolence of the institution. These results imply that institutional trust is multidimensional and can be influenced differently but that access and explainability of decision-making increase trust. Furthermore, local governments can make greater use of the Dutch algorithm registry to provide citizens with access and explanations of decision-making to enhance trust in the institution.Show less
The politics-administration interface has been subjected to much academic controversy. This observation is particularly true at the national and sub-national level of government, where the...Show moreThe politics-administration interface has been subjected to much academic controversy. This observation is particularly true at the national and sub-national level of government, where the relations between politicians and civil servants received sustained attention from the scholarly community. Yet, the international realm remains largely excluded from this central debate. This Master thesis seeks to correct this research gap. By drawing on the vast literature on the politics-administration interface, the present thesis tests the degree of separation between international civil servants in the high and low tiers of the United Nations (UN) Secretariat. It seeks to enrich the ongoing debate on political-administrative relations by studying this topic from a novel vantage point. Moreover, it contributes to the contemporary literature on international public administrations (IPAs) by offering a qualitative single-case study of the UN Secretariat. While the results of this research are limited in their external validity, they confirm the urgent need to study international administrations as compound and dynamic organizations on their own. The author finds a strong degree of separation between politics and administration in the Secretariat, which transpires through this administration’s hierarchical structure, the emphasis on internal career development, as well as its highly competitive, merit-based selection system. The author encourages the scholarship to test the ideal of separation in other international bureaucracies, and hopes that this project will serve as a catalyst to study the politics-administration interface beyond the boundaries of the nation-state alone.Show less
This thesis explores the relationship between bureaucratic accountability and their disposition toward utilizing algorithms in their decision-making processes. Drawing upon the literature on...Show moreThis thesis explores the relationship between bureaucratic accountability and their disposition toward utilizing algorithms in their decision-making processes. Drawing upon the literature on government accountability and aversion to algorithmic decision-making, it hypothesizes that the more public officials are aware of the chains of accountability they are tied to, the less favorable they will be to utilizing algorithms. The hypothesis is tested through a case study of the Chilean Institute of Social Services, which employs multiple algorithms to automate eligibility decisions for pension and other social benefit applications. To trace the organization’s bureaucratic accountability chain, data collection is based on semi-structured interviews of public officials from different hierarchical levels. The results confirm several theoretical expectations on reduced discretion, muddled authority over the algorithm and algorithmic opacity, leading to blame avoidance within the organization. However, the results also disprove the hypothesized negative relationship, revealing that officials with high awareness and perceptions of individual accountability instead favor using algorithms to automate decisions. Further analysis of the dependent variable reveals that a favorable disposition toward algorithm use is overwhelmingly tied to the perception of trust. The individual descriptions of bureaucrats convey clues for an alternative explanation of the outcome, suggesting that stringent evaluation and audit practices can help circumvent algorithm aversion resulting from opaque algorithms or reduced discretion. Such a potential explanation implies that bureaucratic accountability chains could serve as a substitute source of trust, allowing public servants to hold the algorithm to account by proxy. The qualitative accounts in this thesis offer insights into how bureaucrats feel personally accountable for the algorithms they use, expanding the literature of public officials’ reliance on algorithmic decision-making.Show less
In this thesis, we aim to investigate the impact of an EU crisis on EU news coverage. National mass media has an important democratic role in EU news coverage since it is the primary source of...Show moreIn this thesis, we aim to investigate the impact of an EU crisis on EU news coverage. National mass media has an important democratic role in EU news coverage since it is the primary source of information about the EU for the public, and therefore, can shape the understanding of the public towards the EU. However, mass media does not just transmit information passively, and can frame EU integration in news coverage. We want to analyse what the impact of the Brexit referendum is on the use of a dominant pro-EU, Euroambivalent, or anti-EU integration frame in Dutch mass media. Consequently, we compare EU news coverage in de Volkskrant, NRC Handelsblad, Trouw, and De Telegraaf during the Brexit referendum in 2016, with EU news coverage in 2014. We use a qualitative deductive lens and analyse 372 news articles. In general, we find that an Euroambivalent integration frame is dominant, but both the number of pro-EU and anti-EU news articles increases. Therefore, Dutch mass media fosters a critical public debate on the EU during the Brexit referendum. On top of that, broadsheet newspapers tend to be more supportive of the EU, and tabloid newspaper De Telegraaf tends to be more critical of the EU when an EU crisis is present.Show less
Bureaucratic responsiveness has been well researched in the national sphere, but research has been lacking at the European level. Bureaucrats in European Union agencies must reconcile many...Show moreBureaucratic responsiveness has been well researched in the national sphere, but research has been lacking at the European level. Bureaucrats in European Union agencies must reconcile many different multidimensional demands– from the European Commission and national agencies to the general public. Bound by finite time and resources, EU agencies must decide which request to prioritise and respond to first. Building on Rimkutė and Van der Voet's (2021) research, this thesis looks at when bureaucrats prioritise external demands. The theoretical framework focuses on three hypotheses corresponding with three dimensions of these demands (1) that requests from political actors will be prioritised over non-political actors, (2) that requests with technical content will be prioritised, and (3) and that salient request will be prioritised. The theoretical framework synthesises existing theories on bureaucratic responsiveness with newer theories on Reputational literature. To test these hypotheses, a mixed methodology, including Experimental Vignette Methodology, was used to analyse 16 EU bureaucrats in real-time while making the choices. Finally, the data is analysed quantitatively and qualitatively, and we find that political actors and salient requests are most likely to be prioritised.Show less
The German government aims to become climate neutral by 2045. To achieve these ambitious goals, a reconstruction of the German energy sector is necessary to move from fossil fuel-based energy...Show moreThe German government aims to become climate neutral by 2045. To achieve these ambitious goals, a reconstruction of the German energy sector is necessary to move from fossil fuel-based energy sourced to renewable energies. However, the reconstruction of the energy sector cannot rely on technological innovations alone but must be accompanied by social innovations as well. This research aims to investigate the aspiring role of social innovations in the German energy transition process. Hereby a comparative small N (N=2) study is conducted of two German renewable energy communities that specialize in the generation of photovoltaic energy. A conceptual framework is developed focusing on the theoretical dimensions of transition potential, benefits and challenges in order to examine how the renewable energy communities aim to be part of the German energy transition process. The findings of this master thesis uncover that renewable energy communities in Germany seek to contribute to the shift in the energy system by becoming part of the socio-technical regime and by emphasizing a decentralized energy transition. Moreover, the results reveal that the contribution is limited by particular challenges such as the time resources of volunteers and political uncertainty.Show less
As part of China’s quest of regaining its superpower status in world politics, the country has launched a comprehensive transportation system called the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This BRI is...Show moreAs part of China’s quest of regaining its superpower status in world politics, the country has launched a comprehensive transportation system called the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This BRI is accompanied with large-scale investment programmes in primarily the infrastructural and energy sector. One of the destinations of these investments, called FDI, is the Western Balkan region. This region consists of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia. These countries are at different stages of their accession process to the European Union (EU). Unclarity exists amongst scholars whether the Chinese FDI that these countries receive obstruct their accession process towards the EU, i.e. their Europeanization process. By means of a longitudinal small-N MSSD-I research, it is investigated whether Chinese FDI negatively affects the Europeanization in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia and Serbia. This research concludes that the Europeanization in the Western Balkans is indeed negatively affected by Chinese FDI, although this effect is of a less than proportional nature. This research also indicates which specific chapters of the acquis communautaire and which Copenhagen criteria of the Europeanization are negatively impacted, and whether this effect is limited or strong. Furthermore, it inquires how the Europeanization in the Western Balkans can be explained: is the logic of appropriateness or the logic of consequentiality better suited for clarifying this process? In other words, do the Western Balkan states feel an intrinsic connection to the European identity, or do they want to become EU member states because of the material benefits accompanied with accession? This research finds that the logic of consequentiality prevails over the logic of appropriateness in explaining the Europeanization in the Western Balkans. Nevertheless, both logics of action are still relevant for acquiring a full understanding of the acquis adoption in candidate member states.Show less
In the current demographic trends, the future health of the society is more dependent on the politics than ever. But are people with poor health conditions represented equally? The negative...Show moreIn the current demographic trends, the future health of the society is more dependent on the politics than ever. But are people with poor health conditions represented equally? The negative relationship between poor health and participation has been well established. It could lead to a representation inequality since the demands of the poor health group are not translated into votes. However, we do not know how health status influence the opinions and demands of the voters which are supposed to be represented at the elections. Are poor health individuals have distinctive policy preferences? By exploring these opinions, first, I will show the possible substantive consequences of the participation gaps between health groups. Second, I will investigate the inter-sectional nature of the health representation inequalities caused by the moderating role of income and education on opinions and participation. I conduct a multivariate analysis on a cross-European sample using the 2014 ESS data to test my hypotheses. I show an evidence for the unequal representation of the different opinions in the elections between the healthy and the poor health group, and within the poor health group, explained by the level of income. Based on the results, I revisit the policy discussion about the solutions for the health disparities in voting.Show less
Objectives: Top civil servants have an important position within governments. They need to be competent in their jobs, and balance between neutrality and responsiveness. While theoretical arguments...Show moreObjectives: Top civil servants have an important position within governments. They need to be competent in their jobs, and balance between neutrality and responsiveness. While theoretical arguments about the need for certain merit-based competencies (managerial skills, policy expertise and political craft) are substantial, empirical data about the actual possession of these competencies is lacking. Furthermore, knowledge about the role of political ideology on appointment criteria, and the extent of the politicization of the civil service, is limited. The merit-based competencies and political criteria that are desired of top civil servants are, therefore, the focus of this study. This thesis aims to gain a better understanding of the extent of politicization in the appointments of top civil servants, as well as to describe the merit-based competencies that are desired from top civil servants. Theoretical arguments will be applied to the case of the Dutch secretaries-general, the highest-ranking civil servants in the Netherlands. The following question is central in this thesis. “Which competencies did Dutch secretaries-general possess in the period 1994-2020, and how did party-political considerations play a role in the appointment of these secretaries-general?” Methods: This thesis uses quantitative methods to answer the research question. Through a descriptive statistical analysis, the competencies of the secretaries-general are identified. In addition, through logistic regression analysis, hypotheses concerning the role of ideology in appointments are tested. Results: In terms of competencies, almost all secretaries-general (94%) have managerial skills, followed by professional policy expertise (65%) and, to a lesser extent, political craft (25%). However, based on this research, there is no evidence that party-political considerations play a substantial role in the appointments of secretaries-general. Merit-based competencies are central, and the political influence of ministers in the appointment process seems to be small at best.Show less
