My master thesis is a study on the framing of Dutch and Belgian female militants connected to the jihadist organization ISIS in Dutch and Belgian newspapers from 2013 to 2019. The archetypes on...Show moreMy master thesis is a study on the framing of Dutch and Belgian female militants connected to the jihadist organization ISIS in Dutch and Belgian newspapers from 2013 to 2019. The archetypes on militant women is linked to women from Greek mythology: the monstrous Medusa, the magical mother Medea, and the misandrist Amazon Penthesilea. These women are opposites of the peaceful and beautiful Helen of Troy, who is the ‘ideal Western woman.’ From the archetypes I derived seven sub-frames: (1) Medusa brainwashed, (2) Medusa dangerous, (3) Medusa mental issues, (4) Medea supporting mother and wife, (5) Medea religion, (6) Penthesilea committed like men/ emancipation, (7) Penthesilea seeking husband/ romantic notion. From the changes over time and by country and newspaper I concluded that 2017 was a turning point in the framing of female militants. Female militants became more salient and their framing turned more agentive. Gender stereotypes became less dominant in the frame. However, framing in relation to religion stayed in the frames of newspapers. Religion remained essential to ‘other’ female militants from the norm of ‘good Western women.’Show less
The purpose of this thesis is to provide a deeper understanding of the British government’s discursive and practical involvement in the Saudi-led coalition’s ‘Operation Restoring Hope’, in Yemen....Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is to provide a deeper understanding of the British government’s discursive and practical involvement in the Saudi-led coalition’s ‘Operation Restoring Hope’, in Yemen. To do so, it pursues three central arguments. First, using the de-classified governmental record, it is argued that Anglo-Yemeni relations can be characterised by two interlinked political-economic objectives rooted in colonial governance. Namely, the objectives to shape a political environment favourable for British commercial enterprise. Second, it is argued that officials employ two interwoven discourses which represent the government’s involvement in terms of solving a humanitarian crisis and countering terrorism. Using a critical discourse analysis, this section will draw upon statements from leading officials and will analyse the ways in which the government represents its involvement in Yemen. Here, it is shown that officials cast Britain as a humanitarian actor in a conflict between good and evil. Further, it is argued that these discursive choices accompany and legitimate the performance of practices (i.e. blockade and aerial bombing) which are largely responsible for the humanitarian crisis and structural violence to which the government is responding. Finally, it is argued that the government’s discourse and practices rely on an unsupported appeal to the national interest. Rather, Britain’s involvement in Yemen is more clearly understood as a part of a wider form of governance under which the prosperity and security of an elite constituency is prioritised over that of the wider population.Show less
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) need to acquire donor funding to carry out projects. In the past, NGOs used to be progressive agents for social change. Nowadays, they are described as part of...Show moreNongovernmental organizations (NGOs) need to acquire donor funding to carry out projects. In the past, NGOs used to be progressive agents for social change. Nowadays, they are described as part of the development machine. The dependency of NGOs on donors and the competition between NGOs are both increasing. Donors also expect more reports from NGOs on projects. Altogether, the challenge for NGOs to get funding is increasing. At least, that is what the existing academic literature states. This research will examine these challenges for NGOs in the relation with donors for funding. It will answer the following research question: ‘What do Dutch NGOs see as the biggest challenge in the funding system with donors?’ The research will focus on the level of accountability, competition between NGOs for donor funding and dependency on donor funding. To answer the research question, a qualitative case study approach on Dutch NGOs was chosen. Semi-structured interviews with employees from Dutch NGOs were scheduled to gather data. This data explains how the three factors are perceived by the employees from Dutch NGOs and if this accords to the existing literature. The findings showed that the respondents from the NGOs did not unanimously express one of these three factors as burdensome. However, the respondents from the NGOs did express that the bureaucratic element in accountability is considered as the most challenging. Especially smaller NGOs (NGOs with less than 100 employees) experience the demanding reports as problematic. It increases the workload, which limits implementation time of the projects.Show less
This thesis examines the divergences in the implementing of the Responsibility to Protect by regional organizations. Especially, it addresses the following research question: How does the...Show moreThis thesis examines the divergences in the implementing of the Responsibility to Protect by regional organizations. Especially, it addresses the following research question: How does the implementation of the Responsibility to Protect by regional organizations in the Libyan civil war differ from that in the South Sudanese civil war? This thesis focuses on the following regional organizations: the African Union (AU), the League of Arab States (LAS) and Intergovernmental Authority and Development (IGAD).Show less
The Olympics are the ultimate sports mega-events as they attract massive worldwide attention. Consequently, the Olympics offer a platform for host nations to gain political legitimatisation and for...Show moreThe Olympics are the ultimate sports mega-events as they attract massive worldwide attention. Consequently, the Olympics offer a platform for host nations to gain political legitimatisation and for minorities to empower their claim of independence. This thesis aims to answer: To what extend did Catalan and Tibetan activists deploy the window of opportunity created by the Torch Relays preceding the Olympic Games to empower their nonviolent resistance campaigns? In this thesis two case studies are discussed: the nonviolent resistance campaign of Catalans during the 1992 Barcelona Olympics on the one hand and the actions of pro-Tibet activists surrounding the Beijing Olympics of 2008 on the other. In both cases, the Torch Relays will be taken as focal point, because it turned out that the "game" between activists and authorities was played during the Torch Relay preceding the opening of the real Games. By focussing on the perspective and agency of the activists, this research takes a bottom-up approach. In short, this thesis argues that the Olympics Torch Relay can function as this temporarily window of political opportunity, which activists can deploy to empower their nonviolent resistance campaigns.Show less
The growing prevalence and popularity of Right Wing Populist organisations and figures across much of Western Europe remains one of the most pertinent political issues in the region. Through the...Show moreThe growing prevalence and popularity of Right Wing Populist organisations and figures across much of Western Europe remains one of the most pertinent political issues in the region. Through the successful exploitation of a controversial ideology broadly concerned with national sovereignty, nativism, and anti-elitism, Right Wing Populists have been able secure increasingly larger segments of the electorate and thus enter the political mainstream in many European countries. The recentness and rapidity of this phenomenon has spurred a great deal of popular and media interest. Much of this has been wholly negative, defined by explicit comparisons of Right Wing Populists to 20th century totalitarians and lengthy critiques about the perceived dangers of their platforms. Within Academia, several new theses have emerged which seek to account for these movements and extrapolate the underlying conditions fuelling their rise. This dissertation demonstrates how many of these academic theses, despite their modernity and differing conclusions, echo strands of functionalist and anti-popular mentalities that were prominent in the early half of the early 20th century. More specifically, due to their focus on economic and demographic factors as being the primary motivating force behind support for Right Wing Populism, they mirror Hannah Arendt’s conceptualisation of the ‘Masses’, whereby she claims that 20th century totalitarian movements were only able to secure power through the mobilisation of a large body of citizenry which had been rendered identity-less and embittered as a result of the rapid social and economic changes witnessed during the preceding century. By doing so, these do two things. Firstly, they tacitly agree with popular claims that these movements are the spiritual successors to 20th century totalitarians. Secondly, by ignoring or downplaying potential ideological or cultural conditions, such theses serve to delegitimise and trivialise support for Right Wing Populist movements, thus constricting political discourse. In response, this dissertation argues, using a number of comparative case studies chosen according to the least-similar case design as defined by Christopher Lamont, that these materialist understandings of the support for Right Wing Populists and, by extension, the various assumptions from which they derive, have lost much of their validity in the 21st century. Rather, this dissertation puts forward that support for these organisations is for the most part the consequence of preexisting cultural and historical factors, combined with rational self-interest, which persist across generations regardless of material changes. Fulfilment of this aim is fundamental as it encourages policy makers to re-assess their preconceived notions of Right-Wing Populists and consequently develop a more all-rounded understanding of them, which in turn allows the production of more relevant and effective positions to address the social conditions stimulating their growth.Show less
The greatest threats to authoritarian tenure is not rebellion or popular uprising, but the possibility of a coup or attack from within the government. An authoritarian leader shares its power with...Show moreThe greatest threats to authoritarian tenure is not rebellion or popular uprising, but the possibility of a coup or attack from within the government. An authoritarian leader shares its power with the ruling coalition, as their power and influence is necessary for the survival of the regime. However, authoritarian leaders have a desire for more power and need to accomplish this to guarantee both his own survival and the survival of the regime, but this is usually at the expense of the leader’s rivals. Authoritarian leaders use several measures to consolidate their power against the potential threats of the ruling coalition, such as interstate war and mass killings. The aim of this paper is to gain knowledge about what circumstances cause authoritarian leaders to choose interstate war or mass killings as consolidation-measure against threats of the ruling coalition? With the three within-case studies of Pol Pot (Cambodia), Mao Zedong (China) and Fidel Castro (Cuba) I argue two things. Firstly, although revolutionary regimes have indeed strong military representation in the state apparatus, they are not as resistant to rivalry as argued in literature. Secondly, I argue that the location of the rivals in the state apparatus is not as important as argued by certain scholars, since authoritarian leaders use both mass killings and interstate war when there is strong representation of military in the ruling coalition.Show less
This research argues that the endeavours in favour of women’s rights at the international level are of great importance. Many battles of the international women’s organisations were fought at the...Show moreThis research argues that the endeavours in favour of women’s rights at the international level are of great importance. Many battles of the international women’s organisations were fought at the League of Nations. However, this research aims to show that the League of Nations spent little effort to support women's rights relative to certain regional organizations. Indeed, as argued by many critical scholars, the field of International Relations often lacks a regional point of view, one that challenges the conception that the West is the only legitimate point of view (Acharya 648). As such, this research argues that the international organisation that was most vital to the promotion of equal rights for women was in fact a regional one; the Pan-American Union.Show less
The transition from colonial to national promotion by former Soviet leaders represents one of the greatest ironies in the post-Soviet era. This is no less present in Uzbekistan, where the former...Show moreThe transition from colonial to national promotion by former Soviet leaders represents one of the greatest ironies in the post-Soviet era. This is no less present in Uzbekistan, where the former Communist leader, Islam Karimov, survived the collapse of the Soviet Union to become the first and only President of the Republic of Uzbekistan, until his death in September 2016. Despite the pertinent conflict between communism and nationalism, how did leaders like Karimov manage to survive a post-Soviet political order dominated by national independence? This work will explore the strategic influence of nation-building and state-building, and the role of religion in these overlapping processes, in the consolidation of political power and survival for the Karimov regime during an unprecedented decade.Show less
This thesis will aim to provide an answer to whether Brazil’s economic autonomy was significantly enhanced under president Ernesto Geisel's new foreign policy spearhead: responsible pragmatism....Show moreThis thesis will aim to provide an answer to whether Brazil’s economic autonomy was significantly enhanced under president Ernesto Geisel's new foreign policy spearhead: responsible pragmatism. Drawing on Peter Evans’ theory of the relationship between economic development and classical dependency, this thesis argues that Brazil's new attitude did not represent a major breaking point in Brazil’s foreign policy, but managed to strengthen its bargaining power on the international theatre.Show less
This research examines the relevance of the left-right distinction and possibly newly emerging dimensions in contemporary Western politics. The research question is: To what extent does the...Show moreThis research examines the relevance of the left-right distinction and possibly newly emerging dimensions in contemporary Western politics. The research question is: To what extent does the populist – cosmopolitan liberalist dimension replace the traditional left-right dimension in contemporary politics as the core currency of political exchange in times of changing narratives? It draws upon current developments as a growing political dissatisfaction and the inability of political parties or movements to engage the audience, as well as a universal debate about the intellectual discourse of the traditional meaning and relevance of left and right. Three recent events are analyzed through critical discourse analysis and content analysis: Brexit, the election of Trump and the French presidential elections. The analysis shows that the left-right distinction cannot be replaced by the populist – cosmopolitan liberalist dimension, however that the populist – cosmopolitan narrative seems more engaging for the audience, differing per case in terms of intensity and focus. A new terminology that is entirely able to cover the current debate is yet to be defined.Show less
This thesis examines the recent Chinese actions in the South China Sea disputes. Is China carrying out a neorealist approach regarding its interests in the South China Sea while ignoring...Show moreThis thesis examines the recent Chinese actions in the South China Sea disputes. Is China carrying out a neorealist approach regarding its interests in the South China Sea while ignoring international laws and norms? Examining the current international laws, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, shows that China has little interest in observing them. If power or security is what the PRC is interested in, the actions taken should be able to demonstrate that, which is what this paper seeks to explain through the lens of neorealism. Natural resources are a negligible factor in the current actions of China, they are mostly focused on constructing defences in what is known as the doctrine of Island Chains and pushing any possible future war further away from the Chinese mainland. Chinese actions in the South China Sea are driven by the security dilemma in which the US features as the primary antagonist. Recognizing the neorealist approach of China's interests is key to understanding why China won't stop its actions regardless of US pressure.Show less
Cyberspace is everywhere in the world nowadays – all our activities are connected to the internet, devices are connected to each other and at least part of our life takes place online. Although it...Show moreCyberspace is everywhere in the world nowadays – all our activities are connected to the internet, devices are connected to each other and at least part of our life takes place online. Although it makes daily life easier and faster most of the time, sometimes people do not apply the level of protection in the online sphere, as they do offline. Crime takes place no matter the space, and the digital sphere has enabled a new world where crime is becoming even more common due to the easy access and anonymity. Cybercrime does not have geographical boundaries or time restrictions; instead, it is becoming easier to commit fraud online. Cyber awareness among people, such as knowledge about existing threats and their prevention in the online world is often considered the weakest link in the chain of committing a crime. Whether or not cybercrime has a direct threat on or even a connection to human security has not been discussed much. Human security in relation to cyberspace is shifting away from physical threats and towards psychological harm. This paper will search for the relationship between human security and cybersecurity through a deeper research on the subject of cyberspace and the threats that it poses to internet users. It will also analyse the level of awareness of potential cyber threats among internet users using the empirical data taken from an online survey of 220 participants and through the human security concept to explore the level of disruptions created by different threats.Show less
The EU-Moroccan Mobility Partnership has been understood as EU’s migration policy to keep off unwanted migrants from reaching the Schengen area. EU is noted to have induced its southern neighbors’...Show moreThe EU-Moroccan Mobility Partnership has been understood as EU’s migration policy to keep off unwanted migrants from reaching the Schengen area. EU is noted to have induced its southern neighbors’ cooperation by offering positive (or negative) conditionality. However, this paper claims that such an understanding remains Eurocentric and limited. The chronological development of the partnership demonstrates that Morocco complied with EU’s demands when deemed politically pragmatic, rather than based on the conditionality EU presented. Morocco implemented the partnership on border control to its advantage, politicizing the issue in accordance with the country’s geopolitical interests. On the other hand, Morocco was hesitant to institutionalize protection of migrants, including asylum seekers, in spite of EU’s growing commitment to the agenda. This paper claims that the emerging protection gap represents Morocco’s attempts to prevent EU from shifting an undue burden. By showing that Morocco acted with an autonomous agency, this paper shifts the scholarly attention from the North to the South and from positivist to constructivist understandings in accounting for international cooperation on migration challenges.Show less
This study set about answering the question what significance the bilateral relationship between the Netherlands and Germany has for consensus- and coalition-building within the EU.
Abstract This thesis investigates whether South-South Cooperation can lead to agricultural growth in Africa, based on the transfer of knowledge and best-practice techniques developed in Brazil....Show moreAbstract This thesis investigates whether South-South Cooperation can lead to agricultural growth in Africa, based on the transfer of knowledge and best-practice techniques developed in Brazil. Using a case study analysis of ProSAVANA, a triangular cooperation project between Japan, Brazil and Mozambique, this thesis analyses the effectiveness of the project in combining financial aid with technical knowledge transfer to cultivate the Nacala Corridor of Northern Mozambique. Based on the findings of the case study, this thesis argues ProSAVANA has been largely unsuccessful in achieving agricultural development in Mozambique. This is primarily due to its focus on private investment and commercial gains, which has been heavily criticised by civil society groups and local farmers in Mozambique. This paper concludes by arguing that ProSAVANA is damaging the long-term reputation of SSC, following claims of land grabbing and exploitation of resources, which is in stark contrast to its principles of shared development goals and mutual respect. This harms SSC’s chances of changing the development landscape in the long run.Show less
