The case of the Gulag Museum at Perm-36 is especially suitable to discuss the (im)possibilities and motivations of civil society during the last 25 years in Russia, since it shows all the...Show moreThe case of the Gulag Museum at Perm-36 is especially suitable to discuss the (im)possibilities and motivations of civil society during the last 25 years in Russia, since it shows all the turbulence Russian civil society went through in these years. This study gives a detailed overview of the aims of the Gulag Museum demonstrated through their actions and activities. Next to that this study will show how the museum tried to embed the local and (inter)national civil society in the museum as a part of their mission to develop the Russian civil society. In addition, this study of the Gulag Museum involves the official state policy on the Commemoration of the Victims of Political Repressions implemented by Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev in 2015. In this way, this study will show an interesting power struggle over Russian history between civil society and the Russian state.Show less
With the threat of terrorism in its latest and potent incarnation as Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (ISIS) still on the ascendancy, the global war on terror has entered a new era, and its efficacy...Show moreWith the threat of terrorism in its latest and potent incarnation as Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (ISIS) still on the ascendancy, the global war on terror has entered a new era, and its efficacy is in question. More than 15 years have passed since the 9/11 terror attacks, and yet success in suppressing terrorist activities and insurgencies still remains unclear. Successful counter-terrorism strategies in the wake of ISIS seem to require nations addressing extremism as the ideological motivation for terrorism. Reliance solely on the hard approach of war on terror seems to neglect the importance of the historical, cultural and ideological roots of terrorism. There is a pressing need now for countries to implement and include both “hard” and “soft” approaches in its counter-terrorism framework. Being the world’s most populous Muslim-majority country Indonesia has been an appealing target for ISIS in Southeast Asia. As a lynchpin in the region it has become absolutely critical for the country to handle the ISIS threat and reduce potential spillover in the region. While the Indonesian state has faced several challenges in countering the ISIS threat, it has also attained reasonable success in mitigating and containing the threat.Show less
Terrorism has been a controversial and focal point for discussion with many perspectives on the subject.The objective of this thesis is to present the justifications of suicide terrorism, focusing...Show moreTerrorism has been a controversial and focal point for discussion with many perspectives on the subject.The objective of this thesis is to present the justifications of suicide terrorism, focusing on Al-Qaeda and ISIS in Iraq with a comparative analysis. The gendered interpretation is also taken into account to present how this contradicts female participation in terrorism. The purpose of this thesis is to engage in terrorism studies from a different perspective and stress the inclusion of the role of women as this is often underestimated and hence used strategically by terrorist groups. In terms of justifications, this thesis investigates the strategic, social and individual logics set out by Pape (2005) in order to analyse the different reasons behind suicide terrorism and how terrorist organizations can justify their acts in relation to the broader goal. The gendered interpretation concept refers to the existence of masculine and feminine ideals that are connected to specific roles and activities in society. In this sense, prejudice based on gender is often the result and women’s capabilities to perform an attack are underestimated. The similarities and differences of Al-Qaeda and ISIS are teased out in terms of deployment of women and logics of suicide terrorism. The findings show that foreign presence in Iraq tend to drive both terrorist groups to their acts to free the territories. By connecting the Islamic ideology to the organizations, recruitment and support among the communities are facilitated. Individual motivations to participate in terrorism are mostly related to identity and religious attachments. By referring to terrorism as a masculine activity, women’s capabilities are underestimated based on their image and traditional feminine ideals. Hence, the dangers of a gendered interpretation are presented as this strategy can be used by terrorist organizations to conduct deadly attacks with many casualties by deploying women suicide bombers.Show less
In present-day America, the issue of whether or not Arab immigrants and communities will assimilate into mainstream American culture is at the forefront of political discussions and media...Show moreIn present-day America, the issue of whether or not Arab immigrants and communities will assimilate into mainstream American culture is at the forefront of political discussions and media presentations. By using the school setting of Fordson High School in Dearborn, Michigan—where the student population consists of 95% Arabs of American descent (ArDs) and 90% Muslims—to analyze identity formation in terms of Americanism, ethnicity/race, gender, and religion, the answer to this encompassing question begins to be understood. Using interviews and participant observation, this study analyzes the complexity of an Arab-American identity within a post-9/11 America, drawing attention to the intricacies of how ArDs identify specific attributes, actions, and values and how the school communities shapes these in this post-9/11 era. From this information, I analyzed how Fordson acts both actively and passively to influence the identities of its students and staff.Show less
In this analysis into political and moral philosophy, the author argues that non-state actors could, under the right conditions, be considered morally and politically legitimate in carrying out a...Show moreIn this analysis into political and moral philosophy, the author argues that non-state actors could, under the right conditions, be considered morally and politically legitimate in carrying out a humanitarian intervention. This is done by assuming a minimal theory of universal human rights and then looking further into the contemporary literature surrounding humanitarian intervention as well as its history and application. In doing so, there does not seem to be moral, conceptual, or legal boundaries that would disallow such an intervention if carried out under the specified conditions. The implications of such a non-state humanitarian actor could change the way in which humanitarian interventions are carried out and remove or reduce the primacy of the state oriented nature of such interventions. Alec J. Bowie (2016) “The Legitimacy of Non-State Actors in Humanitarian Intervention”, Leiden Student RepositoryShow less
Since the beginning of the 20th century, when Indonesia was not yet independent, Indonesian students' associations have played a major role in the nation building. The founding fathers Mohammad...Show moreSince the beginning of the 20th century, when Indonesia was not yet independent, Indonesian students' associations have played a major role in the nation building. The founding fathers Mohammad Hatta (the later vice-president), Dr. Soetomo, Sutan Sjahrir, and Achmad Soebardjo who studied in the Netherlands actively discussed Indonesian identity and the independence in an organisation called Perhimpoenan Indonesia (PI, Indonesian Association), which was reintroduced in 1925 after being originally established in 1908 under the name Indische Vereeniging. Firstly formed as a social club, the PI was later active politically. It frequently criticized the Dutch government for what they did in the Netherlands Indies through its newspapers Hinda Poetra and Indonesia Merdeka. The PI demanded freedom for Indonesia and had the spirit of anti-colonialism and non-cooperation with the Dutch. Later it became anti-fascist, which made the PI a tool for the independence struggle. However, once the purpose of the political movement –the Japanese replacement of the Dutch, and independence– became known, the PI was slowly dissolved, though the exact dissolution date is unknown. In 1952, an association that bonded and united Indonesian students with the spirit of nationalism reappeared with the new name of Persatuan Peladjar Indonesia (PPI). This is the benchmark year of this study as it was the first year of term PPI. From there on, the dynamic of the PPI has never stopped. Although it altered its name to Persatuan/Perhimpunan Pelajar Indonesia, the spirit still remains for Indonesian students overseas. The aftermath of the PI can be seen afterwards. Indonesian students overseas took a similar form of action. There are other student diaspora stories from the late 1960s, this time in the United States. When the Indonesian Orde Baru just started its administration, a handful of economic students from the University of California, Berkeley, were chosen to bring back the Indonesian economy from deprivation. In the United States, they formed a group that people called the ‘Berkeley Mafia’ that consisted of several prominent figures such as Widjojo Nitisastro, Mohammad Sadli, Emil Salim, Subroto, and Ali Wardhana . These students, who were linked together in Berkeley, returned as a group lead by Nitisastro to work under the administration of Soeharto. One of the professors in the Department of Political Science, T.C. Blaisdell commented: “These (would be) prominent Indonesian leaders are gathering,” as the group were having study meeting in Barrows Hall, Berkeley (Anwar et al, 2007). The group supported the Orde Baru until its collapse in 1998. In the 1960s I believe the number of Indonesian students was not as many as there are now. And in 1961, following the establishment in the Netherlands, the Persatoean Mahasiswa Indonesia di Amerika Serikat (Indonesian Students' Union in the United States) was born. Today, the number of Indonesian students overseas have increased, as there are 51 PPI in the world. Indonesian students tend to be organized as they belong to the PPI. This is not only in the Netherlands and the United States, but in Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, Australia, Turkey, Russia, Saudi Arabia, and Morocco, among others. These students association are familiar among Indonesian under the name of Perhimpunan Pelajar Indonesia (PPI). Although the associations are geographically separated, they seem to have similar form of organization, source of funding, and activities. I did not observe this pattern of association in other international students' association, thus it is worth comparing with other students' associations. In this study I address how the PPI Belanda developed during the different regimes in Indonesia from Orde Lama to Post-reformasi and how the PPI Belanda reacted to each regime. Next I question how the previous and current PPI organize itself in terms of constitution, purpose, membership policy, and medium of information, activities and source of funding. I also became interested in the PPI Belanda’s political connection with Indonesian domestic politics, as it is acknowledged that the PPI often deliver the Pernyataan Sikap (Position Statement) on current issues in Indonesia. Thereafter I discuss the longstanding relationships between the PPI and the government’s representatives, particularly the Atase Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan Republik Indonesia (Atdikbud) that is in the KBRI in The Hague. By examining these topics I hope the dynamic of the PPI Belanda will be more acknowledged in the future.Show less
An examination of how Vladimir Putin's state building process has engaged with Russia's Imperial past through the examination of academic articles, contemporary newspaper articles and official...Show moreAn examination of how Vladimir Putin's state building process has engaged with Russia's Imperial past through the examination of academic articles, contemporary newspaper articles and official speeches.Show less
It has often been claimed that the bull fulfilled an important role in Bronze Age Greece. The reason for this is that many representations are found during excavations in this area. However, the...Show moreIt has often been claimed that the bull fulfilled an important role in Bronze Age Greece. The reason for this is that many representations are found during excavations in this area. However, the assumption that the male bovine had an essential role seems mainly to be based on assumptions, preconceptions about prehistory and later Greek myths. This thesis seeks to provide a more objective perspective on the situation and combines iconographic material, faunal remains and Linear B texts to give a more complete image. The focus lies on the Late Bronze Age, a period from which most data is available. The main question is what role the bull played in Late Bronze Age Greece, in religious and secular spheres and how these roles relate to each other. Every chapter is dedicated to a sub-question. For the iconographical material a methodology is used focussed on the recognition of behaviour and characteristics of the depicted bovine; this has never been done before in this field of research. Based on the analysis it is concluded that the bull played an important role as a prestigious animal used for sacrifice and bull games. Furthermore, a possible connection with the military is established. However, the religious role of the bull remains as yet disputable.Show less
Abstract: In Asia skin tone and whitening techniques were desirable and well described throughout the history. Indonesia is not an exception. The traces of whitening methods, portraits of ideal...Show moreAbstract: In Asia skin tone and whitening techniques were desirable and well described throughout the history. Indonesia is not an exception. The traces of whitening methods, portraits of ideal woman could be found in Indonesian literary works, legends as early as in ninth century as well as in modern literature and women’s magazines. Given the obsession of being white priority, the number of TV advertisements for skin-lightening products flooded the market and the need for them is intensely growing. The Indonesian beauty market is one of the fastest-growing beauty markets in Asia. Indonesian women follow the trend of being white shown in TV ads, but what can the content of these ads teach us about the reasons why people want to be whiter, or about the advertisers’ assumptions about those reasons, is still not well researched. This current study will try to contribute to the scientific knowledge in this field. The aim of this study is to investigate the possible ways of explaining the desire for whiteness by looking at the various positive associations which whiteness has for Indonesians. These positive associations include genetic excellence, hygiene and health, wealth and status, race, cosmopolitanism, the power of looks - “lookism” (discrimination or prejudice on the grounds of a person’s appearance), culture, social conformism, tradition (old cultural ideas in written and oral literature), modernity and try to trace them in four selected (two local brands and two international ones) contemporary TV whitening advertisements in Indonesia. The majority of these positive associations have their roots in antiquity and are not products of colonialism or modernity. Nevertheless, most of the TV skin whitening commercials in Indonesia (here, based on four examined ones) are constructed around modern ways of reasoning.Show less
The present study deals with one of the most important monuments of Middle Byzantine art and architecture, the monastery of Hosios Loukas, which is on the western slope of mount Helikonas, in...Show moreThe present study deals with one of the most important monuments of Middle Byzantine art and architecture, the monastery of Hosios Loukas, which is on the western slope of mount Helikonas, in Voiotia. The main object of this research was to study the cultural components of this site, because it is the most important monument of the Middle Byzantine period in Greece and it has a rich historical, religious and cultural background. The main topic I examine is the financial impact of the monument on the local community and how managing a religious site can contribute to the continuing vitality of the religion itself, as well as culture, tradition and local economy. Moreover, it is interesting to investigate how the public perceives monastic and religious culture and what kind of strategies should be followed, so as to enhance the public awareness for religious monuments in order to improve the local economy. For these reasons, a questionnaire was designed which was conducted in January 2015 at the entrance of Hosios Loukas monastery in Steiri (Voiotia, Greece) and handed out to visitors to the monastery. Furthermore, through an interview with one of the monastery’s representatives, I gathered information for my research. Unfortunately, there is no a similar survey in order to compare my data with, but I hope that my paper will be useful for further studies in the future and will be used as comparative material. The monks intend to create a museum with the monastery’s manuscripts and relics, which will be under their own authority. This could be of great importance for the monastery’s sustainability. It is necessary to emphasize the site’s management for its financial support, but for the local community’s support as well. Cultural and educational activities in the Monastery could be effective to this purpose.Show less
‘One-nation’ was the notion of uniting the working poor with the richer elites along similar values and interests in nineteenth century Britain. It had a profound resonance on both the British...Show more‘One-nation’ was the notion of uniting the working poor with the richer elites along similar values and interests in nineteenth century Britain. It had a profound resonance on both the British Conservative and Liberal parties, and even among the wider political elite. In order to achieve the ideal of the ‘one-nation,’ political elites decided to use a form of nationalism that linked Britain’s imperial mission with British patriotism in the domestic political sphere. In essence, ‘one-nation’ became ‘one- empire’, although the term ‘one-empire’ as such was never used. The concepts of one-nation and one-empire and the way they functioned in Britain’s political culture is the topic of this research thesis. These idealistic concepts had a profound importance, as they were used as political instruments in order to attain and maintain power in British India and in domestic British politics. In short, whichever party could present themselves as the patriotic party and reinforce the ideals of ‘one-nation’ and the ‘one-empire’ could dominate British political life and shape the political culture. Following the logic of conservative ideology, one-empire became a sacred tradition that needed protecting, a contract not only between all parts of the empire, but also between those who are dead, those who are living, and those who were yet to born. Any political party or figure that deviated from this tradition would risk being beaten at elections and even considered to be treacherous. The successful employment of this notion was at the heart of the rise of conservatism, and the party and those who suffered most from deviating away from these concepts were radical Liberals and the Liberal party itself. Three case studies have been selected because together they exemplify, at key moments, when the concepts of one-nation and one-empire were implemented to solve particular crises in imperial and domestic policy. The three case studies include the collapse of liberal imperialism following the Mutiny and Revolt of 1857, events surrounding the Irish Home Rule Crisis of 1885-86, and the events surrounding the Boer War.Show less
