The use of female combatants in terrorist organisations that are ideologically patriarchal and misogynistic is paradoxical by definition. The conception of an organisation such as the Islamic State...Show moreThe use of female combatants in terrorist organisations that are ideologically patriarchal and misogynistic is paradoxical by definition. The conception of an organisation such as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), who defines much of their ideology on the subordination of women, allowing these women to hold frontline positions, in some ways be the face of the organisation, is puzzling in nature and shows the contradiction that the organisation purports. This thesis explores ISIS' transition to utilising female combatants and the reconciliation of their ideology with this action.Show less
On July 25, 2021, President Kais Saied proclaimed a state of emergency in Tunisia, justifying this through an “extensive” reading of Article 80 of the constitution that enabled him to rule by...Show moreOn July 25, 2021, President Kais Saied proclaimed a state of emergency in Tunisia, justifying this through an “extensive” reading of Article 80 of the constitution that enabled him to rule by decree, to eliminate corruption. While condemned as a coup d’état by Saied’s political opponents – notably, those suspected by Saied to be corrupt – and by many western media, the decision was applauded by the majority of Tunisians. Strikingly, Zogby Research Services’ polls found that more than 70% of the surveyed Tunisians expressed they were “better off” before the so-called Arab Spring. What explains this apparent nostalgia? This thesis investigates what explains the nostalgia for pre-revolutionary Tunisia, focusing specifically on the urban middle class. It finds that there is nostalgia for some aspects of pre-revolutionary Tunisia, in terms of economic and personal security. However, despite negative perceptions of post-revolutionary politics, Tunisian urban middle class members are not nostalgic for the entire pre-revolutionary regime, as they value freedom of expression too much to go back to political repression. Thus, they are unhappy with the increasingly authoritarian turn Saied’s rule has taken.Show less
In recent years, the foreign funding of Islamic institutions has arisen as a matter of political contention in the context of various West-European countries and the public debate about how to...Show moreIn recent years, the foreign funding of Islamic institutions has arisen as a matter of political contention in the context of various West-European countries and the public debate about how to engage with this subject is fraught with controversy. Turkey’s Diyanet occupies a central position as the principal recipient of critique. There is a prominent gap in academic literature regarding which factors can produce mistrust against the Diyanet in the public opinions of West-European countries. This research aims to contribute to filling this gap by tracing the relationship between the Dutch government and the Dutch branch of the Diyanet, the Islamitische Stichting Nederland (ISN). It investigates whether there is an overarching correspondence between mistrust against the ISN rising in Dutch public opinion and deepening Islamization in Turkish domestic politics.Show less
In 2016, the Jordan Compact (JC) agreement brought together the government of Jordan and major international donors to pledge support to Syrian refugees. It represented a new form of refugee...Show moreIn 2016, the Jordan Compact (JC) agreement brought together the government of Jordan and major international donors to pledge support to Syrian refugees. It represented a new form of refugee management that incorporates humanitarian help and long-term national development objectives. This thesis analysed how the JC is much more than a humanitarian project and led to the commodification of refugees. To answer this question, a historical analysis of the neoliberal restructuring in Jordan and a critical discourse analysis of the JC was conducted, using a neo-Marxist framework. The results show that a new humanitarian-development paradigm increasingly renders refugees as resilient objects of economic opportunity, leading to their exploitation in the labour market, and serves as a legitimising mechanism for the continuation and deepening of neoliberal restructuring. This study emphasises that humanitarian projects are inherently political and never neutral, and that while “turning the Syrian refugee crisis into a development opportunity” may sound like an appealing proposition, the conjunction of development and humanitarianism proves not to be compatible, as it leads to the exploitation and commodification of refugees in a newly emerged realm of capital accumulation.Show less
The thesis research focused on the Morocco-Israel normalisation and aimed at understanding if the event should be considered a milestone in the countries’ relations. Consequently, the thesis...Show moreThe thesis research focused on the Morocco-Israel normalisation and aimed at understanding if the event should be considered a milestone in the countries’ relations. Consequently, the thesis proposed a central argument that maintained that the Morocco-Israel normalization should not be considered a turning point of the two states’ relations. To determine whether the main argument was realistic, the thesis aimed at answering the overarching question: “what are the factors that led Morocco to start a normalization process with the State of Israel?” The research, to disclose the reasons behind the Morocco-Israel normalization, encompassed three empirical chapters which focused on historical, transnational, and political aspects related to the event that could have played a relevant role in the progress of the two countries’ relations. The research focused on a timeframe that covered the evolution of Morocco-Israel relations from 1948 to the present days. To better understand certain aspects of the relations, the research also considered a timeframe that focused on the Jewish-Berber relations in Morocco at the start of the Arab rule. The thesis relied on a qualitative research that relied on primary sources, like official government statements, and secondary sources, like academic journals and online news articles. Overall, the thesis concluded that Middle Eastern politics and the historical and transnational relations Morocco and Israel hold influenced the finalisation of the Morocco-Israel normalisation. Consequently, the main argument of the thesis holds.Show less
Freedom of movement is a human right. Yet, one might question to what extent certain human rights, specifically freedom of movement, are protected for all human beings. Even though liberal...Show moreFreedom of movement is a human right. Yet, one might question to what extent certain human rights, specifically freedom of movement, are protected for all human beings. Even though liberal societies tend to offer their citizens freedom of movement in order to protect the aforementioned human right, this appears to be mainly important for one’s own society’s citizens, rather than assuring that this human right is safeguarded for every human being. As a result, some passports already determine the national's “unfreedom” of movement. This research will focus on the role of religion, and how this could possibly influence the power of passports and freedom of movement, as seen with the Muslim Ban. Hence, this thesis will research whether there exists such a thing as a “Muslim” passport by comparing the passport power of Jordan and Cameroon.Show less
A brief analysis of two books written by authors who were children during the independence war and nakba of 1948. The two are compared in the way that they present nationalism to children.
Failure of governance, including domination, social exclusion, lack of social and economic freedom, and policies that favour elites can lead to social unrest. Causes of conflicts do not only come...Show moreFailure of governance, including domination, social exclusion, lack of social and economic freedom, and policies that favour elites can lead to social unrest. Causes of conflicts do not only come from economic and political grievances, but also from problems of governance. In the Middle East and North Africa, where patronage systems prevail and ethnic and religious tensions are dominant, the need to discuss issues of governance is important. In Syria, where protests from the Arab Spring led to an ongoing civil war, the northern part of the country is following a ‘third way’: the implementation of democratic autonomy and communes in which all ethnic and religious groups live together. The Rojava Revolution is an example of how people, no matter their backgrounds, can live together and where the patriarchal system can be subverted by overcoming nation-state principles. While definitions on the concept of good governance vary, some of its principles are of particular relevance to security, namely accountability, transparency and participation. In this context, this thesis examines the extent to which these political goods have been achieved in the north and east Syria and question whether the structure in place can set an example for rebuilding governance in conflict-affected areas. Examining local governance dynamics and the self-reliant economy in the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, both in relation to regional and local conditions, provides a way to rethink the establishment of a long-lasting ruling coalition in conflict-affected areas under Middle Eastern terms.Show less
Jordan is undoubtedly a highly resilient state. Many scholars have claimed that Jordan constitutes a “hybrid system of governance” combining features of both democracy and autocracy. The main...Show moreJordan is undoubtedly a highly resilient state. Many scholars have claimed that Jordan constitutes a “hybrid system of governance” combining features of both democracy and autocracy. The main debates on the field are increasingly revolving around the persistence of its political stability. The current thesis explores the persistence of the Jordanian monarchy since the onset of its political liberalization in 1989 and demonstrates that the regime in Jordan employed several regime survival strategies, based on legitimation, co-optation and repression in order to ensure its longevity. To better illustrate the current argument, the research that follows attempts a theory testing, based on these three key theories which - with the support of both primary and secondary sources - try to explain the puzzle of monarchical regime endurance in Jordan.Show less
Since the 1979 revolution, the idea that the West has been involved in a conspiracy against Iran has become one of the most important national myths of the Islamic Republic. In recent years this...Show moreSince the 1979 revolution, the idea that the West has been involved in a conspiracy against Iran has become one of the most important national myths of the Islamic Republic. In recent years this national narrative has found new meaning as the “soft war”. A modern iteration of the myth of foreign conspiracy, it stipulates that Western powers seek to infiltrate the moral fabric of Iranian society through Western cultural products and media channels and by extending support to Iranian civil society. Since the 2009 Iranian presidential election protests the soft war has become one of the defining features of Iranian governmental discourse. The election protests relied to a large extent on digital communication and social media platforms to mobilize the opposition to the re-elected president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005-2013). The soft war narrative was the primary justification for the increasing control of the Iranian authorities over their country’s cybersphere which accompanied the regime’s crackdown on the 2009 demonstrations. While the topics of digital repression and the soft war during the terms of president Ahmadinejad have received their share of scholarly attention, a review their status under the current Iranian president of Hassan Rouhani is lacking. This thesis aims to fill this gap in the literature by analyzing how the soft war narrative has been used in Iranian governmental discourse to justify control of Iran’s media environment and in particular, control of Iran’s internet, during the tenure of president Rouhani as compared to during the Ahmadinejad era. Particular attention is paid to the legacy Western imperialism in Iran, factional politics in contemporary Iran and the influence of the country’s political economy on the Iranian state’s restrictions on internet freedom under Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Hassan Rouhani.Show less
