This research explores the relationship between the female gaze and feminist documentaries in the case of Palestine through three feature-length documentaries: The Judge by Erika Cohn, What Walaa...Show moreThis research explores the relationship between the female gaze and feminist documentaries in the case of Palestine through three feature-length documentaries: The Judge by Erika Cohn, What Walaa Wants by Christy Garland, and Naila and the Uprising by Julia Bacha. This thesis argues that the films demonstrate a few common features of the agency of Palestinian women and emphasize the importance of various issues related to their lives under patriarchy. This thesis argues that through their female subjectivity, experiences, and use of feminist aesthetics, this thesis argues that the female filmmakers innovatively and creatively expose these issues and put their subjects’ struggles at the forefront, as feminist documentary practices are set to do. As such, through their female gaze, the findings demonstrate that the sample of female filmmakers’ works leads to the critical re-thinking of the representation of Palestinian women and the questioning of patriarchy in Palestine.Show less
This thesis discusses the secular-Islamic feminist paradigm in the Middle East, specifically in Turkey, and the thesis focusses on the current feminist debate between secular and Islamic feminists...Show moreThis thesis discusses the secular-Islamic feminist paradigm in the Middle East, specifically in Turkey, and the thesis focusses on the current feminist debate between secular and Islamic feminists in Turkey.Show less
In this paper, I investigate the relationship between the marriage institution and political legitimacy in Saudi society from a feminist perspective. I argue that the inherent inequality between...Show moreIn this paper, I investigate the relationship between the marriage institution and political legitimacy in Saudi society from a feminist perspective. I argue that the inherent inequality between men and women embedded in the Ḥanbalī marriage contract and Najdī customs was utilized by the state in the 1932 Saudi-Wahhābī alliance to create a specific “Saudi patriarchy” designed to subjugate citizens. I further examine the durability of this patriarchy post-1932 and argue that the Saudi state and its ‘ulamā’ successfully continued to manipulate the institution of matrimony to monitor and control the sexuality of its subjects which effectively distracted some citizens from pursuing their political rights. After discussing the creation and application of Saudi patriarchy, I contend that such a system needs to be deconstructed through the reformulation of the Ḥanbalī marriage contract to eradicate the gender hierarchy embedded within it. This research also attempts to explore whether this social change that can create empowered Saudi identities can also lead to political reform.Show less
"With great power comes great responsibility." In a modern neoliberal democratic society responsibility is distributed to different domains of society. My thesis is based on the theoretical notion...Show more"With great power comes great responsibility." In a modern neoliberal democratic society responsibility is distributed to different domains of society. My thesis is based on the theoretical notion of negotiation between state and citizen in the public sphere. I have theorized that within a democratic society, civil society associations represent various segments of society. Additionally, civil society associations are necessary in order to let elections function democratically. Another important element is the political rationale of neoliberalism in a modern democracy. This rationale determines how the relationship of civil society and state is defined and how responsibility is distributed. The distribution of responsibility equals distribution of power, and to justify the use of power actors instrumentalize morality.Show less
This research will examine the main debates about the reforms of the New Family Code in Morocco that was issued in 2004 by King Mohammed VI. The main political parties were composed of modernists,...Show moreThis research will examine the main debates about the reforms of the New Family Code in Morocco that was issued in 2004 by King Mohammed VI. The main political parties were composed of modernists, conservatives and reformists who engaged in such discussions. The disagreement between modernists and conservatives led to the interference of the monarch, who formed a commission responsible for implementing the reforms. Feminist efforts and contributions will also be outlined to examine whether the reforms will ensure women’s participation in the public sphere and promote gender equality. Although the Family Code received several positive reactions, it still has many loopholes upon closer examination; however, the public opinion of Moroccans varies greatly as many remain unaware of these loopholes.Show less
De Turkse regering zit in een spagaat, sinds dat ze vanaf 2011 Syrische vluchtelingen opvangt binnen haar landsgrenzen, tussen het bieden van humanitaire hulp enerzijds en het behouden van de...Show moreDe Turkse regering zit in een spagaat, sinds dat ze vanaf 2011 Syrische vluchtelingen opvangt binnen haar landsgrenzen, tussen het bieden van humanitaire hulp enerzijds en het behouden van de soevereiniteit anderzijds. Deze scriptie beschrijft het beleid, wat ze voert om de risico’s in te perken, en de problematiek waar de Turkse regering tegenaan loopt. Er wordt met name gekeken naar de 63e provincie van Turkije, namelijk Hatay. Deze provincie was tot 1937 van het Syrische mandaat, is een jaar later onafhankelijk geworden en is door een referendum in 1939 deel van Turkije geworden. De provincie is een microkosmisch Syrië omdat het religieus en etnisch erg divers is. Dit maakt het een kwetsbaar gebied waar de Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Partij voor Rechtvaardigheid en Ontwikkeling - AKP), met haar soennitische retoriek, een groot deel van de bevolking niet bereikt. Deze grensprovincie is daarom bij uitstek de beste casus om naar de zwakke plekken in de soevereiniteit van de Turkse staat te kijken. De hoofdvraag van deze scriptie is: Wat is de invloed van de toestroom van vluchtelingen uit Syrië, als gevolg van de burgeroorlog in Syrië sinds 2011, op de soevereiniteit van de Turkse staat in de provincie Hatay? Het onderzoek bespreekt de periode vanaf het begin van de Syrische burgeroorlog in 2011 tot aan 2015 omdat later dan 2015 te recent is om over te schrijven.Show less
In this thesis the Solidere project to rebuild post-war Beirut is analysed. The focus is on the identity Solidere intended to create and the strategy they choose to build and brand this identity.
