This thesis is a contribution to the debate about the relation between art and politics. I argue that art is political insofar as it is transformative, but that any further political determination...Show moreThis thesis is a contribution to the debate about the relation between art and politics. I argue that art is political insofar as it is transformative, but that any further political determination exceeds the bounds of the essence of art. Aesthetic art does not serve any specific political agenda as its reorganizational effect is unpredictable and dispersive. This does not exclude that art can also be an ordinary political tool when engaged with non-aesthetically, activist art being an example of art with a high probability of affording such an engagement. As such, activist art – being merely a (more elaborate) form of propaganda – does not do justice to the specialness of art. I will conclude by submitting that aesthetic art is a strange political tool as it aids in forming our aesthetic sense – thereby affording us to unveil our being organized in the world and facilitating general emancipation.Show less
This work critically assesses the idea of replacing political representation based on elections and politicians by big data-driven algorithms. The rapid digitalization and datafication of our world...Show moreThis work critically assesses the idea of replacing political representation based on elections and politicians by big data-driven algorithms. The rapid digitalization and datafication of our world is fuelling the debate on democratic theory. Can the potential of new ICTs be harnessed to work for the benefit of democracy? Using Gijs van Oenen’s account as base, I make the idea of algorithmic representation more concrete by introducing the concept of a Pocket Politician, and by exploring three scenarios of what this could look like. To further unpack this concept I apply two conceptual tools of the ‘constructivist turn’ in democratic theory: Fossen’s logical distinction between dyadic-triadic and Saward’s theory on the representative claim. By doing so, I show that such a new ‘algorithmic’ system of representation would go accompanied with the loss of human intentionality and the loss of visibility. (1) Algorithmic representation blurs the characterization of the citizens that are represented. It is no longer clear as what citizens are represented due to the non-human intentionality of algorithms. And (2) the performance of representation – the representative claims – will not be visible to the citizens, making it a non-transparent form of politics. Combined, these two concessions would restrict citizens’ ability to see and experience politics on both a sensory and mental level. I come back to the three scenarios of a Pocket Politician to discuss whether this is a problem. I argue that applying algorithmic representation could be beneficial for a democracy depending on its particular state and particular needs.Show less
Extreme weather events, natural disasters and failure in mitigating or adapting to the changing climate. All these societal risks have become more likely and impactful over the last couple of...Show moreExtreme weather events, natural disasters and failure in mitigating or adapting to the changing climate. All these societal risks have become more likely and impactful over the last couple of decades. It is important to limit the excessive human emission of greenhouse gases such as CO2, because they contribute to the changing climate. In order to gain support for CO2 reduction policies, environmental concerns must be reconciled with the prevailing political ideology. The focus is on liberal democracy because it is the dominant political system in western society. One of the difficulties in combining environmental concerns with liberal democracy is that policies to protect nature put limits on what people are allowed to do and thereby limit the individual liberty of citizens. In this thesis I investigate witch CO2 policies fit best with Liberal-democratic positions about the environment. I will answer the following questions: Why does the market fail to ensure an efficient amount of CO2 emissions? Which kind of CO2 reduction policies are most suitable to reduce excessive emissions? How can CO2 policies be combined with liberal democratic values? Which policy is preferable based on liberal democratic positions about the environment? The two most discussed market-based CO2 policies are excise tax and emission trading. This thesis argues for an integrated approach, formed by both policies. This system is preferable because it internalizes externalities to reduce excessive emissions, and simultaneously enforces a maximum amount of emissions to prevent an environmental crisis.Show less
The thesis concerns an important practical and normative issue: why and how should we engage with development aid. It argues that states (as opposed to citizens and individuals) have a duty to do...Show moreThe thesis concerns an important practical and normative issue: why and how should we engage with development aid. It argues that states (as opposed to citizens and individuals) have a duty to do so; that the way it is often given is counter-productive, paternalistic, and unfair. The thesis concludes that an FRBA (fundamental rights-based approach) shows how states and their citizens should discharge the duties that the right to development bestows on them.Show less
In this thesis, I will defend the epistemic and moral value of democratic government, and oppose claims that there are legitimate grounds to replace democratic elections or restrict universal and...Show moreIn this thesis, I will defend the epistemic and moral value of democratic government, and oppose claims that there are legitimate grounds to replace democratic elections or restrict universal and equal suffrage to ensure the epistemic value of political decision-making. If one takes the principles normative authority and legitimacy into account, then any restriction on equal voting rights on the grounds of elitism will result neither in a rule of government that is intrinsically better nor a rule of government that is superior in producing better outcomes than a democratic system.Show less
This thesis critically analyses the success of John Rawls’s political liberalism, which recast his theory of justice from a comprehensive doctrine to a political conception. This analysis into...Show moreThis thesis critically analyses the success of John Rawls’s political liberalism, which recast his theory of justice from a comprehensive doctrine to a political conception. This analysis into Rawlsian political liberalism involves an examination of the way in which political liberals have responded to the objections raised by critics of the theory. Through analysing the problem of asymmetry in political liberalism, this thesis argues that political liberalism is only able to remain viable on the basis of the notion of reasonableness, which characterises the group of highly idealised, reasonable citizens. These citizens are immensely important to political liberalism, since they have the role of deliberating on and justifying the political conception of justice. In order for political liberalism to remain a tenable account of how agreement can be reached on the principles of justice, the idea of reasonableness requires justification. Political liberals attempt to accomplish this by appealing to the public political culture, and the shared political ideas found within it, which all democratically-aligned citizens will endorse. This thesis also argues that such a claim cannot be made, since the political ideas are subject to interpretation and thus not shared. It is also illustrated that political liberals cannot ground their theory in the support of committed democrats, since disagreement over the ideas of democracy and reasonableness are likely. After concluding that political liberalism cannot be defended, the last chapter of this thesis focuses upon a perfectionist liberalism, which Rawls argues must be rejected. This thesis argues that, on the contrary, perfectionist liberalism may be able to overcome the problems that political liberals associate with it.Show less
This thesis investigated the concept ‘patriarchy’, its historical meanings and its political consequences. The main finding of surveying different uses of ‘patriarchy’ is that the two main uses are...Show moreThis thesis investigated the concept ‘patriarchy’, its historical meanings and its political consequences. The main finding of surveying different uses of ‘patriarchy’ is that the two main uses are (1) to describe a system of fatherly authority in the household and family and (2) to describe a system of structural male domination over women. Confusion and conceptual problems arise when (1) and (2) are used interchangeably. This thesis then proposes the understanding of ‘patriarchal power’ as bound up with the body and as a process of mastering the ‘power over life and death’ that is compatible with Foucault’s notion of ‘bio-power’ and which is more closely connected to (1). More precisely, ‘patriarchal power’ is parasitical to ‘geslacht’, which I suggest is a universal category that can be added to Christophe Bouton’s reading of Reinhart Koselleck’s existential dialectic. By turning to ‘geslacht’, a speculative philosophy of gender history that takes the body-as-situation becomes possible. This can provide the conceptual bedrock for a historical anthropology that takes human reproduction and bodies seriously without falling into essentialism.Show less
In modern political philosophy, utilitarianism is often considered a road once tried and found wanting. A major reason for this is the eminence of John Rawls' Theory of Justice, which provides a...Show moreIn modern political philosophy, utilitarianism is often considered a road once tried and found wanting. A major reason for this is the eminence of John Rawls' Theory of Justice, which provides a number of arguments against it. One of them is the separateness of persons objection, which accuses utilitarianism of viewing separate persons as one, and thus considers the happiness of individuals freely aggregateable and interchangeable. This, it is thought, results in unacceptable consequences in matters of distribution. Similar criticisms are found in the works of Scanlon and Nozick. In this thesis I argue that the separateness of persons argument only works if interpreted as a weak argument against moral aggregation, and that a type of utilitarianism, restricted to political domain and informed by the practical limitations of human nature and the possibilities available to the utilitarian state, can deal with this objections.Show less
The problem of political obligation revolves around questions regarding the locus, limits, content, and normativity of political obedience. Contemporary debate on these questions has settled around...Show moreThe problem of political obligation revolves around questions regarding the locus, limits, content, and normativity of political obedience. Contemporary debate on these questions has settled around a handful of approaches, which includes theories from consent, gratitude, fair play, natural duty, and association. The purpose of the present dissertation is to put forward an alternative to these approaches by showing how a constitutional conception of identity can be used to address the questions at the center of the problem of political obligation. This account will be based on certain existing approaches, especially associative ones, but will depart from these significantly by downplaying the normative independence of associative obligations and taking an approach that places the universal human good inherent in our identities at the root of the normativity of political obligation, while assigning it a key role in answering the central questions that a valid theory of political obligation must address.Show less
Vocalisation is formed in the inversion of the face, up until it reaches the face it is a sound akin to blowing through a blade of grass, it has pitch and intensity but little shape. The shape of...Show moreVocalisation is formed in the inversion of the face, up until it reaches the face it is a sound akin to blowing through a blade of grass, it has pitch and intensity but little shape. The shape of vocalisation is formed in the "mask", the resonant chamber at the front of the head, the inverted face. Thereby, vocalisation is the sonic manifestation of the shape of the face outside of the body. This creates an ambiguity as to the directionality of the face, in that, when someone vocalises visibly towards me, I cannot be sure which way the face, sonically captured in vocalization, is facing. It’s unclear if the other is just talking to themself or to me or are half in half out or are rotating. The chord of vocalisation, the fact that each and every vocalisation is heard/felt as sound in the face and the face captured in sonic form outside of the body simultaneously, suggests that the interaction may be a Narcissus' story, where the face is more often or than not reflected back towards the self. This thesis is supported further if we think about vocalisation as a form of self-pleasure, in the erotic experience of forming vocals and the enjoyment of hearing one's own voice, reflected in the story of Echo. This seems to point towards a social failure or at least ambiguity of the interaction between self and other, if the self is always talking to the self. The experience further still, starts to feel violent when we de-mute or make sonic vocalisation, rarely done in a philosophy of voice. Incorporating sound's intrusive quality on the body into this intersubjective interaction points towards a violent potentiality. The intrusion of the sound of the other on my soundscape, my extended body, is the sonic extension of the body of the other in vocalisation, commanding a piece of my hearing territory, thereby penetrating my body. The problem is that I cannot avoid this because that bodily intrusion has a face attached. In reference to Levinas’ ethics of the face, I am forced to partake in these socially unfulfilling interactions out of a sense of duty to the other's face. To not acknowledge the face in response, even though that inevitable involves an intrusion, is also to estrange the other. Hence, I agree to maintain these interactions in a conduct of consensual violence. The ambiguity of vocal presence leads to a situation where it is violent not to be violent, in my vocal intrusion upon the other.Show less
Does the deliberative model of democracy as theorized by Jürgen Habermas yield illegitimate outcomes? To answer this question, I trace the foundations of Habermas' deliberative model and explore...Show moreDoes the deliberative model of democracy as theorized by Jürgen Habermas yield illegitimate outcomes? To answer this question, I trace the foundations of Habermas' deliberative model and explore several critiques outlined by Aletta Norval. I argue that Habermas' model does not produce illegitimate outcomes in the three ways that Norval suggests. Firstly, the elitist argument fails because it either misconceives the reconstructive core of deliberative theory or it underestimates the ability of the public sphere to accommodate difference. Secondly, Norval’s argument that the need for compromise-formation weakens the deliberative model such that it should be reconsidered as a whole, fails as well, because bargaining depends on that same discourse model in order to produce fair agreements. Compromise-formation is thus indirectly yet decisively subjected to the discourse principle. Lastly, the post-structuralist critique fails. For Habermas, an orientation towards consensus does not mean that agreement is the goal of discourse, as Norval claims. Discussion, not consensus, is what is central to deliberation. Furthermore, the principle of neutrality does not preclude differences from being discussed. It is not a normative principle, but rather a result from the reconstruction of actual practices of argumentation.Show less
Contemporary politics seems to suffer from a carelessness with regards to truth. This thesis aimed to clarify whether contemporary politics is really post-truth. It did this through an analysis of...Show moreContemporary politics seems to suffer from a carelessness with regards to truth. This thesis aimed to clarify whether contemporary politics is really post-truth. It did this through an analysis of multiple theories of truth and an overview of the historical origins of post-truth. It concluded that while there are multiple possible substantial theories of truth, all theories of truth have in common the existence of a correctness-notion. Analysis of modern politics shows that correctness-notions are still held by all relevant actors, which entails that they hold at least some theory of truth. Rather than being post-truth, contemporary politics suffers from political communities that have deeply differing worldviews due to lobbying by interest groups, changes to modern media, and post-modernism.Show less
War brings about destruction and loss of human life, and should be avoided at all cost. Unfortunately, sometimes, the same values that makes us want to avoid war are the ones that need defending....Show moreWar brings about destruction and loss of human life, and should be avoided at all cost. Unfortunately, sometimes, the same values that makes us want to avoid war are the ones that need defending. At times, war is necessary to put an end to destruction and attacks on human life and restore a status quo based on these moral values. Looking at various tools, most notably contemporary just war theory, this master thesis will argue that the Western military powers have a moral right – if not a moral duty towards the oppressed foreign populations as well as their own citizens – to intervene militarily in Syria and Iraq, where the so-called Islamic State spreads fear, chaos and destruction. There is a caveat to this, however. Those who intervene must carefully consider their chances of success and assure a just peace in the wake of the violence that rules there. A just intention is meaningless if the end is not just too.Show less
Abstract: Since four decades actual liberal democracies are characterized by the development that material wealth increasingly concentrates in the hands of a small fraction of society. This...Show moreAbstract: Since four decades actual liberal democracies are characterized by the development that material wealth increasingly concentrates in the hands of a small fraction of society. This development is especially problematic for the most central value of liberal societies: liberty. This is because individuals enjoy liberty only if they are guaranteed equal democratic codetermination. In the first chapter I argue, that massive concentrations of material wealth undermine the democratic process because material power can be transferred to political power. To safeguard liberty new economic institutions have to be found that guarantee equal political codetermination necessitating the prevention of massive concentrations of wealth in the hands of a minority of society. In the second chapter I introduce Alan Thomas’ proposal that aims at giving a feasible solution for liberal societies that face the threat of a loss of liberty by dominating economic elites. Thomas suggests rearranging the economic institutions such that democratic equality is guaranteed. This he sees met by the institutions of a property-owning democracy that characterises especially by the widespread dispersion of capital among citizens. Thomas claims that a property-owning democracy is superior to other types of economic organization because it is not only structuring social interaction such that outcomes are just, but he also sees it mastering the task to reconcile economic efficiency with democratic equality. The feasibility of Thomas’ proposal to safeguard liberty are centre of the discussion in the third chapter.Show less
The internet and Social Media seem to have created new ways by which individuals communicate and foster new ideas. In this thesis I will explore how these changes may have impacted upon how...Show moreThe internet and Social Media seem to have created new ways by which individuals communicate and foster new ideas. In this thesis I will explore how these changes may have impacted upon how individuals and groups form and express political ideals. I will analyse how this has affected political agency. Are the ideals formed and expressed online a more accurate portrayal of the wide spectrum of opinion held within a constituency because the internet and social media seems to allow for a wider range of input? Or, does the emergence of so many voices online create difficulty for discerning consensus?Show less
There is an ongoing debate in the field of political philosophy about what is an agonistic democracy and how its meaning relates to other political or philosophical concepts such as plurality,...Show moreThere is an ongoing debate in the field of political philosophy about what is an agonistic democracy and how its meaning relates to other political or philosophical concepts such as plurality, political contestation, and the state. The following thesis, on the basis of the concrete meaning of agonistic democracy, attempts to show what are the appropriate limits of political contestation and plurality within an agonistic democracy, and what is the role of the state within such a type of political community. Specifically, it investigates what are the maximum and minimum limits (thresholds) of plurality and political contestation within an agonistic democracy, and how they can be maintained in the long run. The particular form and content of the postulated threshold is based on the fundamental postulates of the theories of agonistic democracy. Moreover, it argues that if an agonistic democracy is to be maintained in the long run, it needs to incorporate in it a specific type of the agonistic state. Without such an incorporation, it is argued that either established threshold of political contestation and plurality will be transgressed by the agonistic citizenry, or this political community won't be feasible and appealing to potential democratic communities, which might be interested in its establishment.Show less
The question of political pluralism is an important one, given that liberal democracies must give it its due place without letting it tear apart the social fabric. One of the dominant theories...Show moreThe question of political pluralism is an important one, given that liberal democracies must give it its due place without letting it tear apart the social fabric. One of the dominant theories within political philosophy on political pluralism is deliberative democratic theory, which advocates a rational consensus. By insisting on rational conditions for political argument and consensus, it believes that it is possible to both legitimize political power and ensure freedom and equality for all. Mouffe’s agonistic pluralism is a critical response to this rationalistic framework. She maintains that instead of enabling political pluralism, deliberative democracy precludes it. In her view, rationality is not some kind of objective parameter, but a hegemonic expression of power. Inspired by Schmitt, Wittgenstein and Derrida, Mouffe argues that political pluralism requires a conflictual consensus, one in which adversaries battle over the conceptions of the ethico-political principles of liberal democracy, i.e. freedom and equality. To see which framework can better accommodate political pluralism, I will be discussing both Mouffe’s critique of deliberative democratic theory and deliberative democratic theory’s critique of Mouffe. Although Mouffe (necessarily) cannot give a conclusive argument in favour of agonistic pluralism, her deliberative democratic critics do not succeed in dispelling it.Show less
