With North Korea being in the spotlight of the international community of late, the relations between North Korea and Japan could shift from antagonism to normalisation of relations. The abduction...Show moreWith North Korea being in the spotlight of the international community of late, the relations between North Korea and Japan could shift from antagonism to normalisation of relations. The abduction issue from the late twentieth century is one of the most influential obstacles in normalisation, but the North Korean government considers the abduction issue solved after the return of five abductees and the declaration of eight deceased abductees, whereas the Japanese government does not consider it solved. The abduction issue plays an important role in that it is a major issue Prime Minister Abe can use to portray North Korea as a threat to better achieve his own goals. The abduction issue puts a strain on the relations between North Korea and Japan and might continue to do so in the future if it is not resolved. To successfully normalise relations with the North, the abduction issue might have to be put on a lower priority, but the issue has been rooted in Japan’s North Korea policy ever since it came into the light, with Abe being one of the most influential political actors in popularizing the abductions. Thus, the research question of this thesis is: Can Abe back out of the discourse he created with the abduction issue?Show less
This thesis explores the way in which Abe might be using the rule of law as a rhetorical tool in his international and domestic speeches. It will be discussed how he might be utilizing the rule of...Show moreThis thesis explores the way in which Abe might be using the rule of law as a rhetorical tool in his international and domestic speeches. It will be discussed how he might be utilizing the rule of law in order to counter a negative domestic discourse aimed at him as a result of new-left wing protest groups. The thesis also examines how this use of the rule of law might affect expectations by the international community for Japan's military role.Show less
This thesis will examine Abe’s push to constitutional reinterpretation and how the political left reacted to his argument by focusing on the following question: did the Japanese left-wing political...Show moreThis thesis will examine Abe’s push to constitutional reinterpretation and how the political left reacted to his argument by focusing on the following question: did the Japanese left-wing political actors reconsider their view on Article 9 and Japan’s current defense attitude? If the extreme political left of Japan has altered their stance on Abe and his push for reinterpretation, it means that the whole debate on Japanese defense policy is changing altogether. Therefore, Shinzō Abe might have had an impact on how Article 9 and Japan’s defense posture are perceived by the political left-wing. This will be analyzed through the model of securitization, as defined by the Copenhagen School of Security Studies. By applying this framework, this thesis will show how Abe attempts to securitize the issue of Japan’s national identity through addressing Japan’s defense capabilities and how the left-wing responds by counter-securitizing the issue of pacifism within national identity. The second goal of the thesis is to present the validity of the Copenhagen School’s framework by showing its applicability to the case of Japan’s constitutional reinterpretation. First, we shall analyze the literature on both Shinzō Abe’s reinterpretation attempt and the securitization model. Secondly, we will examine the nature of Abe’s push to constitutional reinterpretation by analyzing a book he wrote before he became prime minister and a book he wrote while he was prime minister. In this way, we can establish whether his stance has changed on reinterpreting the constitution. Then we will explore if and how Abe’s attempt for reinterpretation has reshaped the views of the political left in Japan. The effect of Abe’s push to reinterpret the constitution on popular opinion will be exposed by analyzing the phenomenon of counter-securitization by Japanese left-wing activists. We will look at in what manner the attempt has affected the left-wing in their rhetoric by examining scholarly articles on the subject. If this is the case, we might conclude that the Japanese extreme left is currently in the middle of a shift towards middle left.Show less
In 2014, the United Nations recommended to the Japanese government that it should promulgate laws against hate speech. This advice was ignored by the Japanese government, claiming such laws would...Show moreIn 2014, the United Nations recommended to the Japanese government that it should promulgate laws against hate speech. This advice was ignored by the Japanese government, claiming such laws would interfere with the right of freedom of speech. With the racism against Zainichi Koreans (citizens in Japan of Korean ancestry) as a case study, using the New Haven School of Jurisprudence as framework, this thesis posits that “freedom of speech” is not the Japanese government’s (only) reason for refusing to promulgate laws against hate speech. By researching Diet discussions, newspaper articles, court cases and personal accounts of prominent politicians such as Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, this essay comes to the conclusion that the actual reasons differ from the official one given. The general conclusions of this thesis are that the Japanese government is reluctant to promulgate laws against hate speech because it is concerned about its independence from the United Nations, and because there is a disregard for minority issues in general.Show less
Since 2006, when the popular Junichiro Koizumi resigned from his role, Japan has had six prime ministers, one of which has served on two separate occasions. Koizumi’s successor,Shinzo Abe, had to...Show moreSince 2006, when the popular Junichiro Koizumi resigned from his role, Japan has had six prime ministers, one of which has served on two separate occasions. Koizumi’s successor,Shinzo Abe, had to resign after a year due to low popularity and health issues. However, in 2012, Abe returned. Based on his history, one would not expect Abe to be able to come back,let alone be capable of leading his country towards economic recovery and political stability. Nevertheless, Abe has been able to maintain his position for about a year and a half, while sustaining fairly stable public support. Is the current Abe different from the previous one? Has he become a transformational leader? Will Abe be able to finish his term, just as Koizumi did? This article applies a comparative analysis on Koizumi's and Abe's terms as prime minister of Japan. Based on the theory of transformational and transactional leadership, this essay attempts to answer these questions. This article uses a keyword analysis to examine their populist style. In the end, it is concluded that Abe has become a transformational leader with a populist style, but that he still lacks Koizumi's charisma.Show less
