In preparation for the 2022 Philippine presidential election, K-pop fans nationwide united to campaign for presidential candidate Leni Robredo. The most crucial organisation that set this in motion...Show moreIn preparation for the 2022 Philippine presidential election, K-pop fans nationwide united to campaign for presidential candidate Leni Robredo. The most crucial organisation that set this in motion, K-pop Stans 4 Leni, created a community to talk politics, campaign for Robredo, and spread truthful information concerning the election. Through interviewing a member of this organisation and circulating a survey, this research aims to research how and why Filipino K-pop fans used K-pop as a tool for their political expression and activism during the 2022 Philippine presidential election and, therefore, how K-pop can be political. Results show that the participants in the organisation are politically active in character. The organisation became a political force using K-pop mechanisms to mobilise many fans swiftly. This research concludes that the organisation used K-pop since it effectively mobilises a large demographic who support their goals. Furthermore, this thesis concludes that K-pop fandom can be political, as shown by KS4GG. However, it cannot be concluded that all aspects of K-pop are political due to a lack of political participation. As this research primarily analyses participants involved with the organisation K-pop Stans 4 Leni, this should be noted as a limitation and allows for further research to be done.Show less
This thesis analyzes the novel The Handmaid's Tale by Margaret Atwood and the first three seasons of the HULU series in their historical contexts, and relates them to feminist activism in both eras...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the novel The Handmaid's Tale by Margaret Atwood and the first three seasons of the HULU series in their historical contexts, and relates them to feminist activism in both eras. The thesis investigates how relevant literary representations of injustice and oppression are within the broader discourse of human rights, equality and freedom. By juxtaposing the Feminist views of the writer, producers and its political climate in the 1980s during Ronald Reagan's administration and during the 2010s Trump administration the radicalisation of its activism and the change in current political protests are shown.Show less
This thesis aims to investigate the influence of Moroccan feminist movements in achieving reform concerning women´s rights both in theory and practice. In order to do so a historical overview is...Show moreThis thesis aims to investigate the influence of Moroccan feminist movements in achieving reform concerning women´s rights both in theory and practice. In order to do so a historical overview is given on the development of feminist movements in Morocco, both secular and Islamic in nature. In this overview some activist campaigns are discussed that were a significant part of the struggle towards progression of women´s rights, both in terms of convincing the political powers, as well as the public. Eventually reforms to the Family law and constitution were implemented, and articles that were reformed appear to vastly improve the position of women. However, numerous articles that were not reformed endure the lesser position of women in society, and at times even contradict newly reformed articles. In practice, reforms seem to have made some impact, providing women with better chances at education and employment, but women continuously face lesser opportunities or conditions when compared to men. This becomes even more evident when looking at women´s marital rights, and the hardships they face in pursuing a political career. Overall, Moroccan feminist movements have been an essential factor in realising policy change, but on a practical level, it has proven to be even more difficult to reach widespread change. Reforms are often not implemented locally, and feminists have not yet managed to encompass all aspects of Moroccan society. Still, the situation of contemporary Moroccan women appears to have greatly improved compared to that of Moroccan women 70 years ago.Show less
Looking at the possibility of violence in local manifestations of global protest movements can help predict the likelihood of violence occurring during new instances of protest. Looing at Occupy...Show moreLooking at the possibility of violence in local manifestations of global protest movements can help predict the likelihood of violence occurring during new instances of protest. Looing at Occupy Wall Street and the Global Justice movement and their local chapters in New York, London and Hamburg has led to several insights. Despite the disconnect between conflict and violence, the underlying logic of using violence as a repertoire of contention becomes evident. The time available for both the preparation of the protest and the response from the authorities do play a role in determining the degree of violence. Spontaneous protests, such as Occupy Wall Street in New York and London only were met with attention, and later violence, when their primary goal of public deliberation became evident. The violence was coupled with attempts at eviction. In case of Global Justice Movement protests as a response to the G20 summits in London and Hamburg, the activists had a longer time to prepare, which gave the authorities to prepare a response. Moreover, the protesters only had a limited time available and had to utilise that time to make their demands known. It appears, therefor, that the temporality of a protest is a significant factor in the likelihood of violence.Show less
The immigration reforms of the Trump administration have had significant impacts on the rights of undocumented people. Due to this, social movement organisations have been trying to ensure more...Show moreThe immigration reforms of the Trump administration have had significant impacts on the rights of undocumented people. Due to this, social movement organisations have been trying to ensure more rights for undocumented people and create a more trusting and safe environment. This thesis will show the impact social movement organisations have had in Austin, Texas by analysing several social movement organisations active in Austin.Show less
This thesis tells the tale of the toxic legacy of uranium mining, which has been casting a shadow over the lives of the Navajo people for over seven decades. Due to the rising tension between the...Show moreThis thesis tells the tale of the toxic legacy of uranium mining, which has been casting a shadow over the lives of the Navajo people for over seven decades. Due to the rising tension between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War, a nuclear arms race developed. In the United States, the government’s interest in uranium became a matter of top priority, which resulted in a mining boom. At first, the mining boom seemed like a blessing since it created many jobs. Especially for the Navajo people, a Native American tribe indigenous to the southwestern United States where uranium could be found in abundance. However, the initial excitement about these work opportunities was soon to be overshadowed by the toxicity of the work environment. For more than a decade, Navajo miners worked in this environment without any proper protection from the life threatening effects of uranium. And only in the 1960s, when the years of unprotected mining started taking its toll, was it that the Navajo people started to become aware of these dangers. What followed were three decades of organizing and activism on the part of the Navajo people, which eventually led to the passing of the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act (RECA) in 1990. Though this was a crucial moment for Navajo anti-uranium activism, it does not necessarily mean that the story of Navajo activism ends here. Nevertheless, little scientific work has been dedicated to the development of the story after 1990. Therefore, this thesis will shift the focus towards the direction that Navajo advocacy against the toxic legacy of uranium mining has taken after the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act was passed. Such post-1990 types of activism mainly focus on three concepts; compensation, cleanup and remembrance. When it comes to compensation, the main goal is the inclusion of post-1971 uranium workers for compensation under RECA. Current eligibility criteria exclude those employed as uranium miners after 1971, which is when the United States government stopped being the sole purchaser of uranium ore. However, those in favor of amending the Act to include post-71 workers are arguing that this date only signified the end of government liability, but not the end of the inadequacy of radiation standards. Another cause for activism is the immense impact that the uranium industry has had on the environment. Many abandoned uranium mines exist on Navajo lands and environmental issues range far beyond the impact of these mines alone. Additionally, President Trump’s 2017 Executive Order on Promoting Energy Independence and Economic Growth has fueled fears of uranium mining returning to Navajo lands. In response, the Navajo people are trying to remind the nation of the disastrous impact of the industry and the toxic legacy that it has left behind. The possibility of uranium mining returning to Navajo lands, the exclusion of post-71 workers and the continued risks due to environmental contamination are all part of the toxic legacy against which the Navajo people are still fighting today. The telling of the tale of the Navajo people and the toxic legacy of uranium mining as done in this research sheds light on the historic and current relevance of recognizing the impact of uranium mining and the need for solutions.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
open access
This thesis is engaged in the challenge that non-state actors pose for the international order in a context of human rights violations. For that, it focuses on how these actors influence...Show moreThis thesis is engaged in the challenge that non-state actors pose for the international order in a context of human rights violations. For that, it focuses on how these actors influence international politics, mainly through their role on implementing human rights norms, taking as a study case the Western Sahara pursuit of self-determination. The international and transnational solidarity network are to be seen as advocacy networks, and their actions, history, and role on implementing human rights norms will be analyzed. The domestic dimension of this advocacy will be explored through an initiative emerged from the Dutch society – the Polisario Komitee. The transnational dimension, in its turn, will be analyzed through the European Coordinating Conference of Support to the Sahrawi People (EUCOCO). The work will shed light on how these initiatives operate, in order to analyze if they prove to be effective in promoting the change they are committed to – as well as what are the elements that influence negatively in their advocacy. For that, the methodological approach includes a combination of primary archival sources, interviews, and literature on human rights, International Relations, and advocacy networks.Show less
Social movements often encapsulate people from multiple different social groups. While the participant of a social movement can be identified simply as such—a participant—he or she still maintains...Show moreSocial movements often encapsulate people from multiple different social groups. While the participant of a social movement can be identified simply as such—a participant—he or she still maintains his or her own social group identity. In the South Korean case, the popular minjung movement of the 1980’s shows how social group division can be transcended by propagating an ultimate goal presented as a collective good. The minjung movement, which ultimately upheld democratization as its ultimate goal, encapsulated students and workers, among other social groups. In general, in order to make such a movement prosper, the movement’s participants should make an effort for mobilizing or politicizing the masses if they wish to influence the authoritarian ruling class. However, the fact that multiple social groups are participating presents problems. How exactly does one social group politicize the other within the same movement? Does one group take it upon itself to commandeer the movement, while other social groups are enticed to follow its lead? While members of the minjung movement shared the belief in a collective good—which in the 1980’s first and foremost was the democratization of South Korea and the abolishment of draconian rule—valiant efforts had to be made by both students and the working class in order to propagate the movement’s ideology. This thesis shows that the minjung movement did not simply uphold one leading social group that politicized all others. Instead, students and workers within the movement formed a relationship in which politicization flowed in both directions. Using Bert Klandermans’ mobilization theory, this thesis demonstrates that student activists employed action mobilization to recruit the working class, while the workers themselves unintentionally employed consensus mobilization to influence the students.Show less
