This thesis will approach the topic of “rebel governance” in “failed states” . It will critically examine the idea of the state using new approaches to question the traditional Western analysis of...Show moreThis thesis will approach the topic of “rebel governance” in “failed states” . It will critically examine the idea of the state using new approaches to question the traditional Western analysis of statehood. Seeing the defunct nature of statehood applied in the modern world where so many new “states” diverge from the ideal, this thesis will place its focus on the action of governance.In particular the aspect of governance between the state and society and how the two evolve and affect each other.Show less
The concept of Sustainable Development is increasingly used in development policies. Still, it remains questionable whether sustainable development is feasible in reality. Since a few years, China...Show moreThe concept of Sustainable Development is increasingly used in development policies. Still, it remains questionable whether sustainable development is feasible in reality. Since a few years, China aims to be leading in sustainable development. Their Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) could secure that leading role at a global scale. Nonetheless, many scholars argue that this project is far from sustainable. Others refute this criticism and state that the BRI has the most potential for sustainable development. This thesis aims to investigate this debate by answering the following question: To what extent is ecologically sustainable development implemented within the Chinese BRI Railroad projects in Sub-Saharan African Countries? A qualitative data analysis (small-N) will answer this question. The conditions of sustainable development will be compared to practice by studying three railroad projects. This thesis will view sustainable development through an ecological lens with a focus on Strong Sustainability. This thesis analyses how the projects relate to the criteria of Strong Sustainability: protecting and promoting biodiversity, sustainable water management and carbon emission reductions. The results show that the SGR projects do attribute to the Sustainable Development Goals. Still, they could have done more to make the project genuinely sustainable; a lot of environmental concerns remain unaddressed within the projects. Therefore, these projects cannot be labelled as ecologically sustainable under the criteria of Strong Sustainability.Show less
Climate-conflict literature has been growing intensively in the last decade. With a focus on African and Middle Eastern countries, various types of climate variables try to explain divergent...Show moreClimate-conflict literature has been growing intensively in the last decade. With a focus on African and Middle Eastern countries, various types of climate variables try to explain divergent natures of conflict. Many different mechanisms were shown as linking the two together. This study aimed to contribute to the literature by investigating the role of economic dependence on the agricultural sector in the relationship between social unrest and changing patterns of temperature and precipitation. It was asked, thus, to what extent does the economic structure of a country mediate the link between climate and social unrest, in the African continent? The large-N statistical analysis was conducted, including all the African countries, with a population of at least a million. Specifically, a negative binomial regression was run for the years from 1990 to 2007. The key finding suggested that the bigger the percentage of agricultural production in GDP is, the more the country is likely to suffer from temperature rise induced social unrest. This suggests that, because of climate change, economic reliance on the agricultural sector is dangerous for the political stability and even security in Africa. It calls for the importance of using planned adaptation techniques and educating the society on climate change and its effects.Show less
When looking at the African continent, Africa is now a socially and economically vibrant destination for foreign powers to invest in and has generated interest of traditional Western powers and of...Show moreWhen looking at the African continent, Africa is now a socially and economically vibrant destination for foreign powers to invest in and has generated interest of traditional Western powers and of the newly emerged ‘Southern powers’ such as China. China puts great effort in differentiating themselves from other partners of African nations. China portrays itself as an ‘all-weather friend’ of Africa that strives for changing the economic world order justly in which all (developing) countries have a say. This research looks at how the Chinese government constructs its engagement in Africa as different compared to Western involvement on the African continent, and how this difference is constituted through different strategies of differentiation: historical ties, South-South mutual understanding, Soft Power and Non-conditional development cooperation.Show less
The leading question in this research is how sir Granville St John Orde Browne imagined the ideal colonial labourer in correspondence and reports written in the course of his career, 1885-1945. It...Show moreThe leading question in this research is how sir Granville St John Orde Browne imagined the ideal colonial labourer in correspondence and reports written in the course of his career, 1885-1945. It asks specifically how men and women were represented or omitted within this imagining and why. It is argued that in the context of colonial labour, Orde Browne imagined the ideal colonial labourer as male and hereby excluded women from the realm of wage labour opportunities, instead discursively assigning them to the sphere of domesticity and recommending policies that limited female wage labour opportunities and reified a colonial idealization of wife-hood and motherhood. This exclusion was based on assumptions of women as especially traditional and conservative, a sexualization and associated demoralization of the independent presence of women in the compounds, and women being deemed inferior labourers. Men, on the other hand, were represented as objects of exploitation, whose bodies and minds were to be controlled through colonial policies with the aim of making labour migration as efficient and profitable as possible. Women within this structure were visualized as dependents who could either hinder said effective exploitation through the spread of disease and immorality, or could enable even more efficient and stable exploitation and ensure the reproduction of a future generation of workers.Show less
This thesis presents a search for defining the agency of missionaries, their respective churches and religion’s role in the decolonisation of Rhodesia until 1979 with the ending of the Bush War and...Show moreThis thesis presents a search for defining the agency of missionaries, their respective churches and religion’s role in the decolonisation of Rhodesia until 1979 with the ending of the Bush War and the emergence of the newly created Republic of Zimbabwe. As such, it seeks to understand missionaries as more than just a happenstance of history but rather as active and integral to developments within the Rhodesian region and its vastly different processes of decolonisation. Furthermore, this thesis presents the history of decolonisation from the bottom up, attributing agency and importance to the ordinary people whose lives were affected by the global dynamics of the Cold War. What follows, therefore, details the discovery of missionaries as actors within Rhodesia and their far-reaching impact on the decolonisation processes at play.Show less
This thesis takes on an inter-disciplinary approach to examine the extent to which the state of Kenya used the genre of portrait photography to create a sense of nationhood after independence. I...Show moreThis thesis takes on an inter-disciplinary approach to examine the extent to which the state of Kenya used the genre of portrait photography to create a sense of nationhood after independence. I take on the theory of nation and nationalism as a framework to discuss and visually analyse the portraits of Kenya's four president and citizens portrait in the form of identity photography. By first establishing how modern-state Kenya came into being, the discussion set a premise to the motivation behind the study. The first chapter analyses the standardised official presidential state portraits, their materiality, physicality and their symbolism to communicate a change of leadership in Kenya. The second chapter investigates the 'self-fashioned' portraits of the presidents which take on different aesthetics and visual codes creating different meanings and therefore are interpreted using other references. The last chapter is a shift from 'honorific' portraiture of the presidents to the 'repressive' class of the sitters- the citizens. This chapter investigates citizen's portraits used in the colonial times to control movements of labourers and surveillance and how it is now used as a form of document of National Identification. This thesis argues that all the mentioned kinds of portraiture contributed to disseminating the idea of nationhood.Show less
Bachelor thesis | Afrikaanse talen en culturen (BA)
closed access
De laatste jaren is er door westerse media veel gepubliceerd over het toenemende, homofobe klimaat in het Oost-Afrikaanse land Oeganda. In Oeganda heerst het idee dat homoseksualiteit een westerse,...Show moreDe laatste jaren is er door westerse media veel gepubliceerd over het toenemende, homofobe klimaat in het Oost-Afrikaanse land Oeganda. In Oeganda heerst het idee dat homoseksualiteit een westerse, neokoloniale uitvinding is, die vervolgens op het Afrikaanse continent geïntroduceerd is; onder veel Oegandezen heerst zelfs de notie dat homoseksualiteit een tool is om geboortebeperking op het continent te bewerkstelligen, en homoseksuelen zouden tot alles in staat zijn om de homosexual agenda verder te verspreiden. Religie speelt een zeer centrale rol in het leven van een meerderheid van de Oegandezen, en maakt een intrinsiek deel van het dagelijks leven uit. Met mijn onderzoek heb ik geprobeerd te bepalen welke invloed de Amerikaanse, christelijk-rechtse lobby lobby op het homofobe klimaat in Oeganda heeft. Daarbij heb ik ook gekeken naar de inmenging van westerse media in het anti- homodebat, en door welke combinatie van factoren het homofobe klimaat in Oeganda in eerste instantie ontstaan is. Dit heb ik gedaan door middel van literatuuronderzoek, in combinatie met een eigen, kleinschalig onderzoek in Kampala. Uit mijn onderzoek bleek dat seksuele minderheden voorafgaand en gedurende de kolonisatieperiode niet geheel geaccepteerd werden, maar wel in relatieve vrijheid konden leven en doorgaans niet vervolgd werden. Dit veranderde in 1997, toen de Anglicaanse kerk – zo ook in Oeganda – zich actief uit begon te spreken tegen homoseksualiteit. In de daaropvolgende jaren vonden steeds meer Amerikaanse, christelijk-rechtse zendelingen hun weg naar het Oost-Afrikaanse land. Oeganda bleek vruchtbare grond te zijn voor homofobe sentimenten, en dus begon ook een groeiend aantal Oegandese politici zich in het debat te mengen. In 2009 werd de eerste versie van de Anti-Homosexuality Bill ingediend bij het parlement. De veelal negatieve reacties van westerse media, die de Oegandese overheid niet zelden als incompetent neerzetten, en het Oegandese volk als intolerant, zorgden ervoor dat Oeganda gesterkt werd in haar geloof dat het Westen bepaalde normen en waarden aan Oeganda – en in een bredere context Afrika – op probeerden te dringen. Verschillende factoren hebben een aandeel gespeeld in het creëren van het huidige homofobe klimaat in het Oost-Afrikaanse land; de komst van de eerste, Britse zendelingen die het christendom kwamen verspreiden, de daaropvolgende stigmatisering rondom homoseksualiteit, de in 1950 ingevoerde Penal Code, de inmenging van de Anglicaanse kerk in het debat en de daaruit voortvloeiende nieuwe golf van homofobie, de komst van een groeiend aantal Amerikaanse, conservatieve zendelingen in Oeganda, de Anti-Homosexuality Bill uit 2009 en de daaropvolgende berichtgeving in de westerse media, die Oeganda lijnrecht tegenover het Westen wist te zetten. Daar moet ook bij vermeld worden dat, ondanks het feit dat er zonder twijfel uitzonderingen zijn, de meeste westerse mediaberichten over de Oegandese Anti- Homosexuality Bill en het bredere, homofoboe klimaat in het land tekortgeschoten zijn, door de nieuwsfeiten niet in een culturele, sociale, politieke en/of religieuze context te plaatsen. Oorzaken en accelerators van de ontstane homofobie in het land werden vrijwel niet aan de kaak gesteld. Verschillende lhbtqi-activisten in Oeganda beamen dat de situatie omtrent lhbtqi’ers in het Oost-Afrikaanse land vaak wordt gedramatiseerd door westerse media, wat geen realistische representatie van de daadwerkelijke situatie geeft. Uit mijn onderzoek bleek dus dat er, voor de komst van de grote aantallen Amerikaanse missionarissen, al vruchtbare grond was voor een homofoob klimaat in Oeganda, waar de Amerikaanse, christelijk-rechtse lobby verder op heeft ingehaakt door homofobe sentimenten actief aan te wakkeren. Er zijn door hen allianties gevormd met Oegandese wetmakers en politici, die politiek gewin haalden uit het aanhangen van een homofoob, politiek gemotiveerd narratief. Alhoewel veel Amerikaanse, conservatieve missionarissen in Oeganda zich niet bewust lijken te zijn van de uitwerkingen die hun uitspraken in de Oegandese samenleving kunnen hebben, is gebleken dat het Oegandese volk – bij gebrek aan een alom aanwezige politiemacht – er in veel gevallen niet over twijfelt het heft in eigen handen te nemen, en homoseksualiteit binnen hun gemeenschap te ‘bestrijden’ door middel van mob justice. Tot het jaar 1997, toen de Anglicaanse kerk zich actief in het anti- homoseksualiteitdebat begon te mengen, was er van mob justice richting seksuele minderheden vrijwel geen sprake. Ook de theorie achter de gay agenda is een vrij recent opgekomen fenomeen, dat in korte tijd veel aanhangers heeft weten te vergaren. De invloed van Amerikaanse, christelijke conservatievelingen heeft zelfs een impact gehad op de Oegandese wetgeving, zo blijkt wel uit de totstandkoming van de Bahati Bill, waaraan achter de schermen verschillende Amerikaanse conservatieve organisaties en individuen hebben meegewerkt. De verschillende homofobe frames die in het anti-homodebat gevormd zijn hebben zo’n hevige impact gehad op de gemiddelde Oegandees, dat seksuele minderheden ten alle tijden op hun hoede moeten zijn en moeten vrezen voor hun veiligheid. Want alhoewel het aantal gewelddadige incidenten richting lhbtiq’ers in Oeganda nog altijd relatief laag is, is het wel een in omvang toenemend probleem.Show less
This thesis engages with the contested social phenomenon of China in Africa. The phenomenon is a subject of intense debate especially since November 2006 when the first Forum on China-Africa...Show moreThis thesis engages with the contested social phenomenon of China in Africa. The phenomenon is a subject of intense debate especially since November 2006 when the first Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) Summit was held in Beijing. Controversy continues to persist especially about the motives inciting China to deepen its cooperative relations as well as with regard to the effects of Chinese investment and aid, allegedly benefitting the socio-economic development of China and Africa alike. China's activities in Africa's agricultural sector in particular are a subject of interest, as the mainland actor's activities bring to the fore perceptions on both Chinese expertise and know-how in agriculture and development on one hand and Chinese state businesses' self-interested and controversial practices on the other. How should we understand China's enhanced presence in Africa's agriculture? A review of the literature on the topic reveals both useful hints and gaps. By investigating the impact of China's agricultural development package on food security this thesis engages with this debate. In doing so, this thesis not only highlights the complex relationship between agricultural development and food security, a matter of urgent practical concern but also contributes to the growing literature published on Southern development partners, in particular, China. The findings of this thesis indicate that China's agricultural development package holds significant potential to develop Africa's agriculture as well as to enhance food security. In theory and on first sight, China's enhanced presence in Africa's agriculture thus seems to be a positive development. Nevertheless, this research also evidences vested interests and significant implementation problems that might reverse this positive first assessment in the long-run. Consequently, this thesis outlines areas for further research, in particular field studies that are essential to comprehensively understand this subject matter.Show less
The thesis treats the manifestation of the national pride of Burkinabe after the revolution of 2014. The inquiry is situated between the revolutions of 1984, when Thomas Sankara came to power, and...Show moreThe thesis treats the manifestation of the national pride of Burkinabe after the revolution of 2014. The inquiry is situated between the revolutions of 1984, when Thomas Sankara came to power, and the one of 2014, when his successor Blaise Compaoré has been overthrown. The analysis focuses on a fashion brand, musical videoclips and a political party all of them inspired by the concept of Burkindi, as developed in the aftermath of the last revolution. The method implemented to substantiate the analysis is the one of close reading, that enable to understand and discuss the cultural practices and beliefs together with the textual analysis of the cultural artifacts. In addition, the thesis describes the historical and political roots of Burkina Faso, in order to help the reader have the necessary background to understand the peculiarity of the concept of Burkindi, manifestation of the national pride of the Burkinabe people.Show less
The question of the negative Chinese impact in African countries needs to be discussed in wider terms than positive or negative. Indeed, Chinese investment and behavior in Africa have been...Show moreThe question of the negative Chinese impact in African countries needs to be discussed in wider terms than positive or negative. Indeed, Chinese investment and behavior in Africa have been questioned, as for instance about the trade imbalance in China’s favor, its impact on domestic markets and industrialization process and also the impact of its high competitiveness, which are seen as hurting African economies. Chinese goods dumped in African countries are highly price-competitive manufactured goods, and most of African economies have an underdeveloped industrial sector, therefore limiting their development and the possibility to compete on their domestic market. International trade should be based on the establishment of an order of equality and not the one of exploitation. A first superficial glance on Sino Algerian relations might give a negative, or pessimistic view of the relationship, yet a deeper analysis and the incorporation of an understanding of the Algerian officials’ behavior will allow for a more nuanced approach of the relationship.Show less
This paper investigates the role of the 2000 Ugandan Amnesty Act in conflict resolution. Presently, scholars have focused on the role of amnesties in various contexts, yet neglected their role in...Show moreThis paper investigates the role of the 2000 Ugandan Amnesty Act in conflict resolution. Presently, scholars have focused on the role of amnesties in various contexts, yet neglected their role in conflict resolution. As the implementation of amnesties in conflict resolution is becoming increasingly more common, this gap in the literature should be addressed in order to be able to complement the ongoing debate on the value of amnesties. The conflict in Uganda provides for new and ample data that provide further perspective on amnesties as a means for conflict resolution. The Ugandan Amnesty aimed to advance conflict resolution by reintegrating former LRA combatants. To measure whether reintegration has been successful, the successes in social and economic reintegration have been considered. Reintegration has been considered a success in Uganda as the probability of continuation of the conflict has decreased and consequently, the role of the Amnesty can be considered significant.Show less
Research master thesis | African Studies (research) (MA)
open access
The UN Sustainable Development Goals acknowledge ‘that all cultures (…) are crucial enablers of sustainable development’. In academic literature on Africa, however, cultural diversity is analysed...Show moreThe UN Sustainable Development Goals acknowledge ‘that all cultures (…) are crucial enablers of sustainable development’. In academic literature on Africa, however, cultural diversity is analysed as a problem, rather than as an enabler. Africa is either seen as one culturally homogeneous whole or as incredibly diverse and fragmented – there seems to be nothing in-between. Therefore, the picture is incomplete at best. Yet information on culture is used as the basis for assertions on Africa and its problems in economic and other areas. This thesis questions both visions of African cultures, using Vansina’s theory on the autonomy of cultural traditions as its starting point. Methodically, it uses an approach developed in cross-cultural psychology. Cultures are described here as value systems that serve as common points of reference to peoples. Using the cultural dimensions approach of Hofstede and Minkov a new exploratory analysis has been made of current self-perceptions of Africans, using data from the World Values and Afrobarometer surveys. This leads to information on differences and similarities in cultural values between more than 200 ethnolinguistic groups from over 30 African countries. The information has been partly triangulated through Focus Group Discussions in Ghana and in Southern Africa and by comparing information from those countries with ethnographic and other literature. The thesis sheds new light on cultural differences and similarities in Africa. It shows that there are considerable cultural differences within Africa; not all cultures in Africa are equally ‘collectivist’, for example. The essentially Eurocentric shorthand method of equating language with culture cannot be used in Africa: in many cases, cultural areas share different languages; in other cases, one language may be shared by people with different cultures. The thesis shows that such situations may be relatively common in Africa. The thesis calls for a new perspective on African identities and draws attention to the need for rebuilding cultural autonomy, based in African languages.Show less
