This paper examines the intrinsic relationship between the Western model of nature conservation and the forced removal of pastoralists, the Maasai, in Tanzania’s Ngorongoro Conservation Area. The...Show moreThis paper examines the intrinsic relationship between the Western model of nature conservation and the forced removal of pastoralists, the Maasai, in Tanzania’s Ngorongoro Conservation Area. The historical background contextualises the origins of so-called fortress conservation in the colonial period and the establishment of protected areas. The research takes a political ecology approach to establish a connection between nature conservation activities of international actors, national policymaking in conservation areas and the impact on the Maasai’s livelihood. The case of the Ngorongoro Conservation Area illustrates the enhancement of securitised nature conservation concerning biodiversity protection of ecosystems. However, this approach excludes indigenous peoples from the discourse of ecosystem protection and is inherently neo-colonial. For a better understanding, it argues for the equal inclusion of indigenous peoples in nature conservation efforts.Show less
This research project attempts to answer how the European Union has evolved its policymaking perspective towards Africa and the Africa Union in particular, in the light of developments over the...Show moreThis research project attempts to answer how the European Union has evolved its policymaking perspective towards Africa and the Africa Union in particular, in the light of developments over the past 15 years. It does so by building a broad theoretical framework based on different perspectives within IR, applied to the EU-Africa relationship. The framework consists of neorealism, neoliberal, constructivist perspectives, as well as the literature on Market Power Europe. Joint policy documents by the European Union and the African Union, as well as statements and speeches by top-level EU officials constitute the means by which these policymaking changes can be captured. Any captured change or shift in the perspective and motivation of policymakers could then be situated within the theoretical framework provided. It was found that there had indeed been a shift in policymaking perspective over the stated period, from a more basic neoliberal understanding of international relations and particularly cooperation and development, to a more robust normative and assertive geopolitical and cooperative stance. It is likely that these policy shifts were informed at least in part by the changes global and geopolitical landscape. This paper affirms the continued importance of the EU-Africa relationship, not just to the EU or Africa, but to the world as a whole.Show less
More than a purely ecological issue, the climate crisis is strongly rooted in colonial histories and linked to questions of global social justice. One way in which this notion of climate justice...Show moreMore than a purely ecological issue, the climate crisis is strongly rooted in colonial histories and linked to questions of global social justice. One way in which this notion of climate justice has come to be articulated in the international environmental regime is through the negotiations on, and institutionalisation of, “loss and damage” under the UNFCCC. The African Group of Negotiators – representing a continent which is particularly vulnerable to climate change impacts – has been an important actor in these negotiations, although its particular role has not substantively been studied. An important question is the extent to which the AGN manages to express agency within an international framework which exists against the backdrop of unequal global power relations – especially considering the relationship between this global order and the origins of anthropogenic climate change, and the already devastating impacts experienced. Using insights from structuration, complexity and frame theory, this research finds that while on one hand, the behaviour of the AGN reflects and in some ways reproduces status quo power relations, there is also potential for transformation – particularly through the use of strong, justice-based ideational arguments.Show less
This study explores the central research question of whether the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) stands a chance in achieving their self-prescribed goals of poverty alleviation and...Show moreThis study explores the central research question of whether the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) stands a chance in achieving their self-prescribed goals of poverty alleviation and smallholder empowerment in Africa. To answer this question, I build a theoretical framework based on two agricultural development theories: agroecology and agribusiness development. This theoretical background allows for the empirical analysis of AGRA to take place with a specific focus on the program’s work in Kenya. I find overwhelmingly that AGRA is unlikely to achieve their goals of food security and smallholder empowerment due to their direct provision for the needs of agribusiness at the expense of smallholder sovereignty and autonomy. These findings show that AGRA is unequivocally shaped by legacy of the original Green Revolution, where marketisation, privatisation and profit incentives were pushed upon smallholders in the global south. After reaching this conclusion, I necessarily discuss the implications of AGRA as a failing philanthrocapitalist project, by drawing attention to the unique lack of accountability AGRA holds as part of a broader movement in privatising foreign aid. AGRA represents a threat to the future of smallholder livelihoods in Africa as it operates unchecked, protected by charitable narratives, all while serving corporate profit rather than smallholder farmers.Show less
Although Guinea has great economic potential on paper due to its mineral resources and enormous water reserves, it has not yet been able to develop this potential and even lags behind other African...Show moreAlthough Guinea has great economic potential on paper due to its mineral resources and enormous water reserves, it has not yet been able to develop this potential and even lags behind other African countries with no or significantly fewer natural resources in terms of economic development. In examining the mechanisms behind the resource bauxite and operations in Guinea directly, several obstacles were discovered that are or may be responsible for Guinea's low profitability. Contrary to prevailing assumptions in the resource curse debate, Guinea's economic problems appear to depend not only on institutional quality, corruption, and economic mismanagement, but also on the unequal power relations of the Guinean government vis-à-vis foreign mining companies and powerful states. This thesis examines potential constraints for Guinea arising from the aluminum value chain, as well as those, arising directly from bauxite operations in Guinea. For this purpose, the operations of three major bauxite companies in Guinea were studied in detail: CBG (Compagnie des Bauxite des Guinée), headquartered in the USA, Great Britain and the Channel Islands as well as SMB, headquartered in China and CBK, headquartered in Russia. The mechanisms behind the aluminum value chain, bauxite mining, and its importance to Guinea were examined through a qualitative secondary analysis.Show less
The 2018 Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in Beijing was an historic event to chart the next stage of Sino-African relations. The event was also symbolic in showcasing a FOCAC that is co...Show moreThe 2018 Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in Beijing was an historic event to chart the next stage of Sino-African relations. The event was also symbolic in showcasing a FOCAC that is co-owned by China and Africa. In view of growing Sino-African cooperation under the FOCAC, this thesis researches how Chinese and African media framed this edition of the FOCAC. I ask the following research question: What are the implications of Chinese and African news outlets’ different discourses of the FOCAC for China’s soft power in African countries? The thesis uses selected media from China (Xinhua, CGTN) and Africa (The Star, Daily Nation, Vanguard, Ahram Online, SABC News). I use content and discourse analyses of news articles and reports of the 2018 FOCAC to distinguish different versions of the FOCAC story, as well as themes emphasized by the respective news outlets. I also conduct a visual analysis of television items concerning the FOCAC where I examine their source and emphasized discursive elements in the visual materials. By conducting this multifaceted analysis of media discourse of the FOCAC, this thesis adds a new angle to scholarly research on Chinese soft-power and cultural diplomacy in Africa.Show less
Burgeoning Africa-China relations have sparked considerable debate over the past two decades. Many Western academics, politicians, and journalists now see growing Africa-China relations as a form...Show moreBurgeoning Africa-China relations have sparked considerable debate over the past two decades. Many Western academics, politicians, and journalists now see growing Africa-China relations as a form of Chinese neo-colonialism in Africa that is challenging Western efforts to help the continent develop. It is in this atmosphere of competition that the perspectives of Africans themselves have often been overlooked. This research paper attempts to shed light on these perspectives by analysing how elite political discourse in South Africa, Zambia and Angola perceives growing Africa-China relations, and how this discourse differs from common themes found in Western discourse. The paper combines a macro critical political discourse analysis of elite political discourse with a qualitative comparative analysis of these three case studies, within the timeframe January 2018 – January 2020. The research paper reveals that African political discourse often differs from, and indeed challenges, common themes found in Western discourse. In doing so, this research also contests the ‘universality’ of Western perceptions of both Africa and Africa-China relations. And finally, this research problematises the portrayal of non-Western actors in mainstream IR and highlights the need to listen to these voices from the periphery.Show less
The concept of Sustainable Development is increasingly used in development policies. Still, it remains questionable whether sustainable development is feasible in reality. Since a few years, China...Show moreThe concept of Sustainable Development is increasingly used in development policies. Still, it remains questionable whether sustainable development is feasible in reality. Since a few years, China aims to be leading in sustainable development. Their Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) could secure that leading role at a global scale. Nonetheless, many scholars argue that this project is far from sustainable. Others refute this criticism and state that the BRI has the most potential for sustainable development. This thesis aims to investigate this debate by answering the following question: To what extent is ecologically sustainable development implemented within the Chinese BRI Railroad projects in Sub-Saharan African Countries? A qualitative data analysis (small-N) will answer this question. The conditions of sustainable development will be compared to practice by studying three railroad projects. This thesis will view sustainable development through an ecological lens with a focus on Strong Sustainability. This thesis analyses how the projects relate to the criteria of Strong Sustainability: protecting and promoting biodiversity, sustainable water management and carbon emission reductions. The results show that the SGR projects do attribute to the Sustainable Development Goals. Still, they could have done more to make the project genuinely sustainable; a lot of environmental concerns remain unaddressed within the projects. Therefore, these projects cannot be labelled as ecologically sustainable under the criteria of Strong Sustainability.Show less
When looking at the African continent, Africa is now a socially and economically vibrant destination for foreign powers to invest in and has generated interest of traditional Western powers and of...Show moreWhen looking at the African continent, Africa is now a socially and economically vibrant destination for foreign powers to invest in and has generated interest of traditional Western powers and of the newly emerged ‘Southern powers’ such as China. China puts great effort in differentiating themselves from other partners of African nations. China portrays itself as an ‘all-weather friend’ of Africa that strives for changing the economic world order justly in which all (developing) countries have a say. This research looks at how the Chinese government constructs its engagement in Africa as different compared to Western involvement on the African continent, and how this difference is constituted through different strategies of differentiation: historical ties, South-South mutual understanding, Soft Power and Non-conditional development cooperation.Show less
This thesis presents a search for defining the agency of missionaries, their respective churches and religion’s role in the decolonisation of Rhodesia until 1979 with the ending of the Bush War and...Show moreThis thesis presents a search for defining the agency of missionaries, their respective churches and religion’s role in the decolonisation of Rhodesia until 1979 with the ending of the Bush War and the emergence of the newly created Republic of Zimbabwe. As such, it seeks to understand missionaries as more than just a happenstance of history but rather as active and integral to developments within the Rhodesian region and its vastly different processes of decolonisation. Furthermore, this thesis presents the history of decolonisation from the bottom up, attributing agency and importance to the ordinary people whose lives were affected by the global dynamics of the Cold War. What follows, therefore, details the discovery of missionaries as actors within Rhodesia and their far-reaching impact on the decolonisation processes at play.Show less
This thesis engages with the contested social phenomenon of China in Africa. The phenomenon is a subject of intense debate especially since November 2006 when the first Forum on China-Africa...Show moreThis thesis engages with the contested social phenomenon of China in Africa. The phenomenon is a subject of intense debate especially since November 2006 when the first Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) Summit was held in Beijing. Controversy continues to persist especially about the motives inciting China to deepen its cooperative relations as well as with regard to the effects of Chinese investment and aid, allegedly benefitting the socio-economic development of China and Africa alike. China's activities in Africa's agricultural sector in particular are a subject of interest, as the mainland actor's activities bring to the fore perceptions on both Chinese expertise and know-how in agriculture and development on one hand and Chinese state businesses' self-interested and controversial practices on the other. How should we understand China's enhanced presence in Africa's agriculture? A review of the literature on the topic reveals both useful hints and gaps. By investigating the impact of China's agricultural development package on food security this thesis engages with this debate. In doing so, this thesis not only highlights the complex relationship between agricultural development and food security, a matter of urgent practical concern but also contributes to the growing literature published on Southern development partners, in particular, China. The findings of this thesis indicate that China's agricultural development package holds significant potential to develop Africa's agriculture as well as to enhance food security. In theory and on first sight, China's enhanced presence in Africa's agriculture thus seems to be a positive development. Nevertheless, this research also evidences vested interests and significant implementation problems that might reverse this positive first assessment in the long-run. Consequently, this thesis outlines areas for further research, in particular field studies that are essential to comprehensively understand this subject matter.Show less
This thesis is in accordance with the requirements for the completion of the International Relations Master Program. First, the aim of this thesis was to test the existing theory that a failed or...Show moreThis thesis is in accordance with the requirements for the completion of the International Relations Master Program. First, the aim of this thesis was to test the existing theory that a failed or collapsed regime is a necessary component for the presence of a change in witchcraft victimology from elderly women to urban children. This was done by analyzing the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic, Angola, and Ghana. The second chapter illustrates the state of the art of literature regarding the theories underlying this research, alternative explanations for a shift in victimology, and type of regimes present in African states. The third chapter explains the between-case multi-criterial analysis conducted to ascertain each case’s regime type and the presence (or lack thereof) of a shift in witchcraft victimology. The fourth chapter relays the results of the analysis where it was determined that out of the four cases, two were in accordance with the existing theory, and two refuted it. The fifth and final chapter concludes this thesis by critically examining the results and methodology and a conclusory statement claiming that a collapsed and failed regime is neither a necessary nor sufficient condition for the shift in victimology of witchcraft accusations from elderly women to urban children.Show less
This Master thesis tries to argue South Africa’s uncertain future as regional leader on the African continent. It builds on Geldenhuys’ description of South Africa as ideational leader almost a...Show moreThis Master thesis tries to argue South Africa’s uncertain future as regional leader on the African continent. It builds on Geldenhuys’ description of South Africa as ideational leader almost a decade later. South Africa’s intended withdrawal from the ICC’s jurisdiction of which they notified the world in October 2016, will be used as a case study to substantiate this argument. The intended withdrawal was a political move which at the time caused international chaos, but now 2 years have passed, there needs to be a reassessment of what has changed and what impact this decision had. Therefore, this thesis subsequently serves the purpose of creating a chronological overview of the events between 2002 and 2018 regarding the ICC, the African Union and South Africa.Show less
Contemporary development studies needs a 'processual shift' from development to developing in order to transcend the static problematisation of African underdevelopment. The Washington Consensus...Show moreContemporary development studies needs a 'processual shift' from development to developing in order to transcend the static problematisation of African underdevelopment. The Washington Consensus and the Beijing Consensus still approach African underdevelopment according to a teleological view that is rooted in the belief that economic growth is necessary for achieving prosperity. By applying complexity science to the economy, this research fills the lack within International Relations (IR) of critically revising African development in contemporary, changing contexts. A model of economic evolution is employed to conduct a transformative analysis of Kenya's developing within the twenty-first century New Silk Road (NSR). Utilising the process tracing method to examine combined data sets, the researcher explores manifestations of the interdependence between evolutionary technological, institutional, and strategic forces. The analysis provides an innovative account of how and why economic evolution has emerged in Kenya. Future research should refine the model, but not define it: evolution is an endless process from which the economy as a complex adaptive system emerges.Show less
The African Union (AU), whose main objective is to coordinate and intensify cooperation for development of the African region, presents itself as an energetic and ambitious driving force for change...Show moreThe African Union (AU), whose main objective is to coordinate and intensify cooperation for development of the African region, presents itself as an energetic and ambitious driving force for change in the continent’s human rights landscape. In June 2014, the AU adopted the Protocol on Amendments to the Protocol on the Statue of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights, often referred to as the Malabo Protocol. The Malabo Protocol extends the jurisdiction of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights (ACJHR) and empowers it to try serious crimes of international concern such as genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Although the ACJHR is not yet an operational court, it has the potential to bring positive contributions to a continent tormented by persistent conflicts and a culture of impunity. AU member states now stand before various paths in the realization of human rights and they have been involved in an ongoing discussion on Universal Jurisdiction and its life-form, the International Criminal Court (ICC). A thorough consideration of all the grounds for the AU’s decision to give the African Court jurisdiction over international crimes will then show that the process has been motivated by other reasons than late anti-ICC sentiment alone. This study will not only examine the ICC versus Africa debate, it will also go beyond it. In this way, an African perspective will be offered that explains a larger focus on regional processes of African human rights law not only as a result of growing anti-ICC sentiment. Instead, it will be argued that there has been a legal and historical necessity for the development of an African perspective to international human rights law that is not necessarily meant to duplicate or impede on the work of the ICC.Show less
The trilateral dialogue, which started in 2008, has exposed the differences in the foreign policy approaches of the EU and China. Where the EU emphasizes its role as a norms promotor (Gerrits ed....Show moreThe trilateral dialogue, which started in 2008, has exposed the differences in the foreign policy approaches of the EU and China. Where the EU emphasizes its role as a norms promotor (Gerrits ed. 2009:3), stresses China its focus on economic win-win situations (Hackenesch, 2011). Yet, as the EU and China have increasing shared interests, a more pragmatic approach to their foreign policies is emerging. China is slowly engaging with normative principles, for instance it has accepted the universality of human rights and has joined several international human rights conventions. The state is more open to normative principles, even though China promotes sovereignty and collective rights over international intervention and individual rights (Pu, 2013). A more pragmatic approach to foreign policy can enable and support trilateral cooperation in explicit areas such as security. Examples of currently existing trilateral cooperation are the joint fight against piracy in the Gulf of Aden, measures against the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons (SALW) and the peacekeeping mission in Mali. Also, the EU currently discusses China’s novel initiative for a modern-day silk road, known as the ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) initiative and which has been called “the most ambitious infrastructure-based security initiative in the world today”. The title of this work ‘Here Be Dragons’ refers to unexplored and ‘dangerous’ gaps between the EU’s capabilities and its expectations. The purpose of the thesis is to examine the EU’s foreign policy performance, in particular its response to China’s growing presence in Africa, through the lens of the capability-expectations gap theory. According to Hill, a gap exists between what the EU ‘talks about’ and what the EU actually is able to accomplish. This study investigates how the EU’s agenda on trilateral cooperation with China and Africa changed since the entering in to force of the Lisbon Treaty, whether a capability-expectations gap exist regarding the EU’s security relations with China in Africa, and if so, how the EU could establish more effective cooperation the field of security and thus close this gap.Show less
