This thesis is concerned with economic development in Gabon and how it relates to the large oil industry in Gabon. The thesis will discuss how oil effected politics in Gabon and discuss why the...Show moreThis thesis is concerned with economic development in Gabon and how it relates to the large oil industry in Gabon. The thesis will discuss how oil effected politics in Gabon and discuss why the presence of large oil reserves that resulted in high revenues did not result in broad economic development. Through a historical analysis this thesis will explore how current economic conditions were shaped by politics, governmental policy, and Gabon's history of colonialism. The thesis concludes that the unique relations with France, bad public policy and a volatile commodities market resulted in limited economic growth.Show less
The Western media’s representation of Africa has primarily consisted of Afro-pessimistic portrayals, though the emergence of Afro-optimistic portrayals is arguably increasing. Black is King is an...Show moreThe Western media’s representation of Africa has primarily consisted of Afro-pessimistic portrayals, though the emergence of Afro-optimistic portrayals is arguably increasing. Black is King is an example of the attempt to increase Afro-optimistic depictions of Africa in Western media. This BA International Studies thesis evaluates how Beyoncé Knowles-Carter’s visual album contributed towards the representation of the African continent in Western media. The literature review discussed five processes of African representation that have been identified in the academic discourse. Literary and film analyses were the primary methods used to examine the case study Black is King. The theoretical frameworks of wakandification and anti-antiessentialism were also used to highlight the film’s role in African representation. This BA thesis paper concludes that Black is King primarily misrepresents the African continent through depending on the stereotypical descriptions of Africa, the hyper-emphasis on royalty and social status, and on the primary observation of Africa through an African American perspective.Show less
This thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the...Show moreThis thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the (pre)colonial era, and the BDP (Botswana Democratic Party) and ZANU(PF) (Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front) in the late colonial and postcolonial period, to identify what particularities in Botswana’s and Zimbabwe’s historical trajectories explain the divergence between the stance of BDP and ZANU(PF) leadership on the decriminalization of same-sex relations (SSR). The Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana started with a similar outlook on SSR, and in both countries, the British colonial administration imposed penal codes that criminalize(d) SSR. Yet, while BDP leadership grew gradually more supportive of the eventual decriminalization of SSR in 2019, ZANU(PF) leadership has strongly opposed to repealing the colonial-era penal codes. The different (de)colonization process and degree of colonial domination in each country appear to have the strongest explanatory power for these diverging outcomes. Many scholars have linked homophobia to masculinity and patriarchy. At the same time, colonial rule is widely believed to have undermined African masculinities and destabilized existing gender roles, and scholars have argued that misogyny, hyper-masculinity, and homophobia in African nationalist movements can be seen as a reaction to feelings of emasculation among African men. Colonial rule was significantly less invasive in Botswana, and the transition to independence mostly peaceful. Resultantly, there was no strong feeling of colonial domination among Botswanans, and anti-(neo)colonial rhetoric had little value as a source of political support. Thus, homosexuality never became conflated with (neo)colonialism in BDP nationalism, because it never centered on anti-(neo)colonialism to begin with. In contrast, Zimbabwe’s invasive colonial experience and arduous independence struggle created a strong sense of colonial domination among male independence leaders, who experienced it as ‘emasculation,’ and used misogyny and homophobia in attempt to restore a position of patriarchal power. At the same time, the rejection of homosexuality became a way to challenge colonial narratives about African sexuality and masculinity that were used to justify their abasement. Resultantly, the conflation of emasculation and homosexuality with colonial subjugation featured prominently in ZANU(PF)’s anti-colonial nationalism. The influence of Fanonesque and Marxist-Leninist thought further deepened homophobic sentiments in ZANU(PF) nationalism, while these schools of thought were absent from BDP nationalism. There is also scholarly consensus that European missionaries played an active role in codifying homosexuality as ‘immoral’ in Africa, and scholars argue that as Christianity became heavily politicized in the region, so did homosexuality. In that sense, homophobia, much like Christianity, is a political tool in contemporary Africa. Limited imposition of colonial rule and Tswana-controlled integration of Christianity may have further limited the inculcation of European (missionary) notions of sexuality and immorality in BDP nationalism. Moreover, unlike BDP nationalism, ZANU(PF) nationalism was organized around anti-colonialism, and this social glue lost its power once independence was achieved. This necessitated the creation of a new common enemy, while socioeconomic underperformance and declining public support incentivized the creation of a scapegoat to deflect criticism. Political homophobia became part of the creation of this new common enemy and scapegoat, and gained its legitimacy from Zimbabwe’s (de)colonization experience. With steady economic development and widespread public support after independence, there was less of an incentive for the BDP to use sexual minorities as a scapegoat.Show less
In 2015, all UN member states adopted the 2030 agenda for sustainable development. In this agenda, a blueprint was created which outlined a pathway for planetary peace and prosperity consisting of...Show moreIn 2015, all UN member states adopted the 2030 agenda for sustainable development. In this agenda, a blueprint was created which outlined a pathway for planetary peace and prosperity consisting of 17 goals named the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). SDG three (3), Good Health and Wellbeing, seeks to “Ensure healthy lives and promote wellbeing for all ages”. The SDGs are of global relevance, however nowhere more so than the emerging markets where they are used by countless international organizations, development finance institutes, NGO’s, and more, to justify and measure the success of investments, programs, and projects, at the human level. One widely discussed and key barrier between SDGs being achieved and the current position, is the availability of the capital and technical skills required to fund and build hospitals, solar farms, water treatment plants, and the myriad of other large-scale infrastructure upon which the health and wellbeing of a nation rests. This issue has been dubbed the infrastructure deficit, and according to the UN, reducing both the technical shortfalls and the USD 67.9 billion per annum financial shortfall which underly it is key to securing Africa’s long term sustainable growth. Using a case study approach focussed on two counties in Kenya, this paper evaluates a potential solution to Africa's infrastructure problem in the form of Public Private Partnerships (PPPs).Show less
Microfinance is considered one of the most important financial tools for the inclusion of the informal sector of developing countries in global finance. However, its empirical implications on the...Show moreMicrofinance is considered one of the most important financial tools for the inclusion of the informal sector of developing countries in global finance. However, its empirical implications on the financial, economic and social level of society are often under-researched, especially in Cameroon, a developing country in West-Central Africa. Therefore, this thesis will show that the financialization of the informal economy, especially in Cameroon, undergoes three steps: firstly the financial one, in which communities living in informal economies are approached by financial institutions offering microcredit, secondly through the economic one, in which microcredit is invested in informal business activities to regulate and formalize them, and finally through the social one, in which the economic power gained through the enhanced businesses is reflected on an empowerment of under-promoted categories, and on an improvement in education and healthcare, given the increased accessibility of funds to afford them.Show less
Johannesburg the “city of creativity” is known for its modernity and its cultivation of a postApartheid urban identity that remains central to its profile as a contemporary South African city....Show moreJohannesburg the “city of creativity” is known for its modernity and its cultivation of a postApartheid urban identity that remains central to its profile as a contemporary South African city. However, South Africa as a nation is troubled by high levels of unemployment that disproportionally affect Black South African women. This thesis paper intends to analyse Johannesburg’s fashion and textile industry as a means to promote development through the inclusivity of women. It analyses their current roles in creative industries and the ways in which the fashion and textile industries can increase their accessibility for further inclusion of women. Additionally, this thesis looks at ways in which the fashion and textile industries can expand to promote increased income generation for the women already involved.Show less
This thesis will approach the topic of “rebel governance” in “failed states” . It will critically examine the idea of the state using new approaches to question the traditional Western analysis of...Show moreThis thesis will approach the topic of “rebel governance” in “failed states” . It will critically examine the idea of the state using new approaches to question the traditional Western analysis of statehood. Seeing the defunct nature of statehood applied in the modern world where so many new “states” diverge from the ideal, this thesis will place its focus on the action of governance.In particular the aspect of governance between the state and society and how the two evolve and affect each other.Show less
The thesis treats the manifestation of the national pride of Burkinabe after the revolution of 2014. The inquiry is situated between the revolutions of 1984, when Thomas Sankara came to power, and...Show moreThe thesis treats the manifestation of the national pride of Burkinabe after the revolution of 2014. The inquiry is situated between the revolutions of 1984, when Thomas Sankara came to power, and the one of 2014, when his successor Blaise Compaoré has been overthrown. The analysis focuses on a fashion brand, musical videoclips and a political party all of them inspired by the concept of Burkindi, as developed in the aftermath of the last revolution. The method implemented to substantiate the analysis is the one of close reading, that enable to understand and discuss the cultural practices and beliefs together with the textual analysis of the cultural artifacts. In addition, the thesis describes the historical and political roots of Burkina Faso, in order to help the reader have the necessary background to understand the peculiarity of the concept of Burkindi, manifestation of the national pride of the Burkinabe people.Show less
The purpose of this thesis is to use a new lens through which to analyse terrorist recruitment tactics. This will be done by examining how Al-Shabaab has manipulated the collective memory of the...Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is to use a new lens through which to analyse terrorist recruitment tactics. This will be done by examining how Al-Shabaab has manipulated the collective memory of the Kenyan ‘military intervention’ through their tweets during the Westgate terrorist attack of 2013. In order to answer this question, the tweets will be analysed through the field of memory studies, paying special attention to postmemory, collectivisation of memory, false memory creation and the establishment of imagined communities. This thesis concludes that Al-Shabaab and other terrorist organisations on a more global level are able to acquire recruits through manipulating how memories are represented in social media. By mediating the narrative of the Kenyan intervention in Twitter, Al-Shabaab is able to transmit the memory to a larger audience ensuring the continuity of their struggle against Kenya throughout varying social spheres and different generations.Show less
This paper investigates the role of the 2000 Ugandan Amnesty Act in conflict resolution. Presently, scholars have focused on the role of amnesties in various contexts, yet neglected their role in...Show moreThis paper investigates the role of the 2000 Ugandan Amnesty Act in conflict resolution. Presently, scholars have focused on the role of amnesties in various contexts, yet neglected their role in conflict resolution. As the implementation of amnesties in conflict resolution is becoming increasingly more common, this gap in the literature should be addressed in order to be able to complement the ongoing debate on the value of amnesties. The conflict in Uganda provides for new and ample data that provide further perspective on amnesties as a means for conflict resolution. The Ugandan Amnesty aimed to advance conflict resolution by reintegrating former LRA combatants. To measure whether reintegration has been successful, the successes in social and economic reintegration have been considered. Reintegration has been considered a success in Uganda as the probability of continuation of the conflict has decreased and consequently, the role of the Amnesty can be considered significant.Show less
Decolonisation and independence in Africa resulted in new beginnings, as well as imagined futures. For a number of postcolonial African nation-states, these imagined futures were rooted in a new...Show moreDecolonisation and independence in Africa resulted in new beginnings, as well as imagined futures. For a number of postcolonial African nation-states, these imagined futures were rooted in a new political ideology – African Socialism. In an attempt by a number of African leaders to find a postcolonial identity, African Socialism was thought to satisfy the demands of newly independent African nation-states.Show less
