The trilateral dialogue, which started in 2008, has exposed the differences in the foreign policy approaches of the EU and China. Where the EU emphasizes its role as a norms promotor (Gerrits ed....Show moreThe trilateral dialogue, which started in 2008, has exposed the differences in the foreign policy approaches of the EU and China. Where the EU emphasizes its role as a norms promotor (Gerrits ed. 2009:3), stresses China its focus on economic win-win situations (Hackenesch, 2011). Yet, as the EU and China have increasing shared interests, a more pragmatic approach to their foreign policies is emerging. China is slowly engaging with normative principles, for instance it has accepted the universality of human rights and has joined several international human rights conventions. The state is more open to normative principles, even though China promotes sovereignty and collective rights over international intervention and individual rights (Pu, 2013). A more pragmatic approach to foreign policy can enable and support trilateral cooperation in explicit areas such as security. Examples of currently existing trilateral cooperation are the joint fight against piracy in the Gulf of Aden, measures against the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons (SALW) and the peacekeeping mission in Mali. Also, the EU currently discusses China’s novel initiative for a modern-day silk road, known as the ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) initiative and which has been called “the most ambitious infrastructure-based security initiative in the world today”. The title of this work ‘Here Be Dragons’ refers to unexplored and ‘dangerous’ gaps between the EU’s capabilities and its expectations. The purpose of the thesis is to examine the EU’s foreign policy performance, in particular its response to China’s growing presence in Africa, through the lens of the capability-expectations gap theory. According to Hill, a gap exists between what the EU ‘talks about’ and what the EU actually is able to accomplish. This study investigates how the EU’s agenda on trilateral cooperation with China and Africa changed since the entering in to force of the Lisbon Treaty, whether a capability-expectations gap exist regarding the EU’s security relations with China in Africa, and if so, how the EU could establish more effective cooperation the field of security and thus close this gap.Show less
This thesis examines the relation between post-colonial Kenyan nationalism and ethnicity, and the construction of modern Kenyan identities. It analyses how hybrid identifications are created in...Show moreThis thesis examines the relation between post-colonial Kenyan nationalism and ethnicity, and the construction of modern Kenyan identities. It analyses how hybrid identifications are created in light of a Western colonial education in Kenya, as well as increased urbanisation and Westernisation.Show less
While such a large part of the world is moving towards more acceptance of homosexuality, this seems to not be the case in Uganda or in many other countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Which poses the...Show moreWhile such a large part of the world is moving towards more acceptance of homosexuality, this seems to not be the case in Uganda or in many other countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Which poses the question “If attitudes towards homosexuality are shifting towards more positivity in the West, why is the opposite happening in Uganda?”.Show less
China has been changing its soft power strategy in Africa since the time of negative media coverage in the early and mid 2000s. A stronger focus is being put on a people-to-people approach of...Show moreChina has been changing its soft power strategy in Africa since the time of negative media coverage in the early and mid 2000s. A stronger focus is being put on a people-to-people approach of interaction, trying to foster stronger personal bonds between Africans and Chinese citizens as well institutions. Education, culture and health care have the strongest positive impact on average African citizens, and China is increasing its efforts in these fields through cooperation agreements.Show less
Over the past decades, China has evolved into a major world power and moved away from being an isolated nation to one integrated into the international community. This thesis will discuss how...Show moreOver the past decades, China has evolved into a major world power and moved away from being an isolated nation to one integrated into the international community. This thesis will discuss how Chinese presence, power and interference have evolved and how this has impacted the international community with a focus on the African continent. Going more in-depth with two case studies in Africa, Ethiopia and Zambia, it will describe the reasons for China’s cooperation with both countries and the differences in her strategic approach and outcome.Show less
With the echoes of the 2015 Paris Climate Conference (COP21) still ringing, it is clear the climate change is not just a reality but a series of formalised and not yet formalised threats to life as...Show moreWith the echoes of the 2015 Paris Climate Conference (COP21) still ringing, it is clear the climate change is not just a reality but a series of formalised and not yet formalised threats to life as we know it. Climate change is multi-faceted and complex, a challenge that can only be tackled with multi-levelled cooperation that involves actors from the international to the local levels and leverages new technologies and methodologies to create innovative and sensible adaptation and resilience models. A quote attributed to Albert Einstein sums up the current state of affairs, “Problems cannot be solved by the same level of thinking that created them”. Big Data can be that new ‘out of the box’ thinking and mythologies that drive and bring about solutions to the most challenging problems that future generations face.In Peace Review, Erin McCandless introduces the Journal of Peacebuilding and Development where she is Chief Editor. She states that the journal’s mission amounts to understanding the “intersections of conflict, development and peace” (McCandless 505). In order to do so, she argues that, there is a need to “firmly question dominant paradigms and conceptual and methodological framings, linking debates to real cases on the ground, and encouraging alternative visions and choices for action” (McCandless 505). The contention here is that Big Data is that critical vantage point that McCandless much seeks after. Big Data can provide the facts through numbers and correlations than can provide the counter-arguments to much acclaimed traditional patterns of thought by providing the raw data collected on the ground.Show less
This research examines a radio program in Accra, Ghana entitled, “Citi Breakfast Show”, and seeks to discover and investigate the manner in which it positions itself as a watchdog in the media...Show moreThis research examines a radio program in Accra, Ghana entitled, “Citi Breakfast Show”, and seeks to discover and investigate the manner in which it positions itself as a watchdog in the media landscape of Ghana. The research uses the concept of framing to investigate the approach of the talk radio show and its positioning in the media landscape of Ghana. The contribution of listeners to the show is also examined and analysed within the context of the genre of talk radio.Show less
China claims to be one of the main followers and protectors of the principles of non-interference and sovereignty. It often invokes these principles either in order to protect itself from...Show moreChina claims to be one of the main followers and protectors of the principles of non-interference and sovereignty. It often invokes these principles either in order to protect itself from interference from Western states, or to defend its alternative approach to aid engagement in African countries (Pang 244-245). However, China also violates the principle of non-interference by putting conditions on other countries’ internal affairs, such as demanding that the government does not support issues that China is against, in return for its continued bilateral cooperation. Therefore, China’s foreign policy approaches and especially its use of conditionality seem contradicting. Such contradicting foreign policy approaches can be challenging to understand and counter for other states if the motivations are not known. The academic debate on China’s use of conditionality and foreign policy in general has failed to take into account a wide enough range of foreign policy approaches, something I attempt to do in my paper.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
2017-08-01T00:00:00Z
Since the proliferation of democratizing countries in Africa, ethnic conflict has also increased. One of the explanations for this phenomenon is that ethnicity become politicized when democratic...Show moreSince the proliferation of democratizing countries in Africa, ethnic conflict has also increased. One of the explanations for this phenomenon is that ethnicity become politicized when democratic institutions are installed, and ethnic cleavages are widened, creating more conflict. In order to temper conflict and stabilize the democratization process it is sometimes needed to use undemocratic tools, such as party bans. While sometimes banning an ethnic party leads to less conflict, sometimes it also leads to more. This thesis will explain how a party ban will decrease conflict when it is based on old, existing law or regulation and accompanied by other institutional arrangements giving incentives for inter-ethnic cooperation and promote cross-cutting cleavages. Two cases of party bans in Mauritania and two cases in Nigeria are used to explain the mechanism of the causal effect between party ban and conflict level.Show less
Regional integration is on the political agenda in all parts of the world. During the time of post-colonial development and liberation struggles, Southern Africa saw its share of attempts at closer...Show moreRegional integration is on the political agenda in all parts of the world. During the time of post-colonial development and liberation struggles, Southern Africa saw its share of attempts at closer economic and political ties between states within the region. Today, the dominant regional organization in Southern Africa is the Southern African Development Community. Many regional organizations in the developing world, including SADC, explicitly state that a large part of the regional integration project is towards a goal of attracting an increase in foreign direct investment. The ability to attract FDI is based on various factors; covering many of these is the combined level of perceived political risk. Economic and political instability, social unrest, ethnic and military conflict, corruption in government, the threat of expropriation and breaches of contract; political risk is a multi-faceted concept. The thesis identifies what types of political risks are prevalent in the Southern African region. The research focus addresses what SADC as a regional actor has contributed towards lowering the levels of political risk in specific countries and parts of the region. The thesis demonstrates that as theoretical assumptions and empirical evidence argue that regional integration is positive for the ability to attract FDI, Southern African countries face many obstacles on the way towards a fully integrated economic community. Meanwhile, the prospects for peace and security in the region are better at present than twenty years ago. The establishment and maintenance of legal, security and financial frameworks that would add to securing the interests of both the foreign investors and the host country and government are often lacking. Furthermore, the implementation of regional institutions have been hampered by various factors, including the member states’ own interests and a general unwillingness towards ceding sovereignty to transnational institutions . The role of South Africa as a regional hegemon and key policy-maker within SADC is discussed in order to further examine the regional dynamics in Southern Africa.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
The concept of reconciliation has been researched often by scholars. Reconciliation is part of the post-conflict reconstruction strategy and the process is mostly seen by scholars as a relevant and...Show moreThe concept of reconciliation has been researched often by scholars. Reconciliation is part of the post-conflict reconstruction strategy and the process is mostly seen by scholars as a relevant and wanted process. However, is that the case in reality? The question researched here is: why do governments engage in national post-conflict reconciliation strategies? This study reviews two post-conflict situations where a reconciliation process was initiated; Rwanda and Sierra Leone. We aim to determine on what factors governments base their choices regarding reconciliation. The cases are examined from a legalist and pragmatist approach. Legalists argue that states choose reconciliation and justice because they believe in the international norms it represents, because they believe in the preventive and deterrent effect of justice and the educational example it can be. Pragmatists however, argue that states choose reconciliation on the basis of self-interest and the distribution of political power. They also argue that states not always believe in the necessity of reconciliation and acknowledge the usefulness of amnesties. The cases of Rwanda and Sierra Leone demonstrate that the choice for reconciliation cannot be fully explained from the legalist approach but are better understood from the pragmatist point of view. Both situations show that the choice of a state for reconciliation is based on different factors that can be summarized as the concept ´the politics of reconciliation´. The government of Rwanda uses the fear of the population for a future genocide in order to keep tight control over the country. The reconciliation initiatives are used to keep track of anything that is going on in society that could be a potential threat and to teach the RPF ideology in order to keep a firm grip on political power. Sierra Leone is influenced by the international community that demands post-conflict reconciliation. It has been argued that one of the origins of the Sierra Leone conflict was poverty and the country has the desire to reconstruct its economy for which a high amount of external investment is needed. These reasons fit within the idea of pragmatists, that actors base their choices upon self-interests, in these cases ensuring political power and attracting external investment.Show less
