The NATO intervention in Kosovo sparked the debate on an enhanced role for regional organizations in the promotion of international peace and security. In an attempt to reconcile another debate on...Show moreThe NATO intervention in Kosovo sparked the debate on an enhanced role for regional organizations in the promotion of international peace and security. In an attempt to reconcile another debate on the tension between sovereignty and human rights, the Responsibility to Protect was unanimously adopted at the World Summit in 2005. Various regional organizations have argued for increased autonomy in the regional implementation of the Responsibility to Protect, including the African Union and ASEAN. The the impact of regional dynamics on the regionalization of a global norm has been under-examined. In particular, the impact of regional identity has been unexplored. Grounded in the constructivist approach, this exploratory research aims to provide examination of the relation between regional identities and the Responsibility to Protect. Discourse analysis and the case studies of atrocities in Libya and Myanmar find that identity can function as a narrative to legitimize or delegitimize particular aspects of the Responsibility to Protect. Regional contexts and values must thus be taken into account when promoting international normsShow less
This thesis focuses on the peacekeeping partnership between the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN), in the context of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). It investigates the...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the peacekeeping partnership between the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN), in the context of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). It investigates the question: “How did the AU and the UN institutional (in)compatibility impact the effectiveness of AMISOM?” Both the practical and executive sides of the institutions involved, and the congruence between the mandate, resources, and activities undertaken are considered when evaluating the effectiveness of the mission. This is done using the congruence component of the analytical framework of Effectiveness of Peace Operations Network (EPON). This part of the framework describes the strategic intent, mandate and aims to understand whether the mission has achieved its mandated tasks, and the extent to which there was consensus about this among various stakeholders. While the mission had a clear mandate, the main form of logistical support, the United Nations Support Office for AMISOM (UNSOA), was not designed to do its job. Mainly because it had roots in the UN’s bureaucratic system, UNSOA was never able to meet the expectations of the mandate and objectives of AMISOM. The partnership between the AU and the UN was born out of the mutual recognition that alone, neither of them could cope with the multitude of security challenges facing Somalia. The mission had a peace-enforcement nature but was unable to successfully carry out its mandate and objectives because of the limitation of using peacekeeping logistics. The inability of overcoming the institutional differences between the two organizations has led to the failure to accomplish the mission’s mandate and the additional objectives and has led to an ineffective peacekeeping partnership that was not successful in living up to its full potential. For future peacekeeping partnerships, this means that working on a more equal and consistent relationship between the AU and the UN will likely improve the effectiveness of the collaboration and the mandate, objectives, and activities of the mission.Show less
In the first decades following decolonisation, African nations were on the forefront of promoting absolute sovereignty and non-intervention. The Constitutive Act of the African Union that was...Show moreIn the first decades following decolonisation, African nations were on the forefront of promoting absolute sovereignty and non-intervention. The Constitutive Act of the African Union that was adopted in 2000, grants the organisation the right to intervene in case of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity. This reflects a conceptualisation of sovereignty as responsibility. To understand this shift in conceptualisation of sovereignty, this thesis conducts a discourse analysis of nine official declarations of the Organization of African Unity between 1990 and 1999 through the lens of constructivist theory. It finds that collective identity, in the guise of Pan-Africanism, serves an important role in enabling the shift in conceptualisation of sovereignty through narrative and interaction. This suggests that collective identity, explicitly on the regional level, is an important factor to be considered in the institutionalisation of humanitarian intervention and has implications for the Responsibility to Protect.Show less
As the involvement of regional organizations in peacekeeping has significantly grown over the past decades, the relationship of these organizations with the United Nations has been reconfigured....Show moreAs the involvement of regional organizations in peacekeeping has significantly grown over the past decades, the relationship of these organizations with the United Nations has been reconfigured. This is particularly the case for the African Union and the UN, that set up their first peacekeeping mission with joint ownership in 2007 with UNAMID, the UN-AU hybrid mission in Darfur. The UN-AU relationship is not only determined by global-regional power relations, also postcolonial power relations play a role. As a result of these power relations, the AU is often perceived as being rather agency- and powerless. This thesis will counter this narrative, by studying the way in which the AU exercised agency over the set-up of UNAMID. It finds that while the AU was constrained by material capacity and the influence of powerful actors, it was still able to exercise agency and have influence on the UN, by using discursive strategies and the contestation of norms. Following these findings, this thesis advocates for a decolonial shift in the understanding of the AU that makes space for African agency and African contributions in international affairs, particularly, but not only, in peace and security matters.Show less
The African Union emerged in 2002, and presents itself to the world as Africa’s peace actor. Its expressions contain Pan-African ideals, and the conviction that peace and security are main...Show moreThe African Union emerged in 2002, and presents itself to the world as Africa’s peace actor. Its expressions contain Pan-African ideals, and the conviction that peace and security are main prerequisites for a prosperous future. Most AU-studies regard the question if AU’s peacekeeping efforts in interventions are successful, or investigate how states harm the continental endeavour. They conclude that the PSC lacks structural and incidental capacity and political willingness of states. This approach and outcome fits to the dominant realist approach, assuming that the African Union consists of power-seeking states, looking after their interests. This thesis contributes to this debate by utilizing another, constructivist approach. Role theory advances the understanding of this peace actor. The performance of the AU in peace policy, and the position of member states is investigated in the context of role-conception, role-contestation and role-expectations. In this thesis the AU’s role-conception, and how it develops, is central. The definition of this role was not given yet in the CA, although some ingredients where in there. The contestation by states and AU-institutions shaped the self-conception of the AU, and stimulated the policy of prevention. The expectations of others, in particular international financial partners, have had significant influence on the AU. The UN requires IOs to take responsibility in building peace in their region, and pays for AU-led missions. The political and social contexts cause, by a process of socialization, a dynamic and continuously developing self-conception of the AU. The current self-conception of the AU is being a comprehensive power. It deploys troops in African conflict areas as a military power. However, it performed also as a civil power by promoting and supporting CSOs; and even as normative power, by emphasizing the responsibilities for states to secure their people (policy of indifference).Show less
This thesis examines the use of Africanness and politics of belonging in Morocco's discourse on its readmission to the African Union in 2017. As Morocco's Africanness became more scrutinized during...Show moreThis thesis examines the use of Africanness and politics of belonging in Morocco's discourse on its readmission to the African Union in 2017. As Morocco's Africanness became more scrutinized during the country's 33-year-long absence from the African Union, the King launched a comprehensive Africa policy to assert its Africanness. To explore the role of Africanness and politics of belonging in Morocco's discourse on readmission, this thesis analyzes a royal speech and ethnographic data collected from fieldwork in Morocco. Morocco selectively claims its Africanness as part of its political project of belonging. In the process, the Kingdom legitimizes its membership in the African Union and its claims on the Western Sahara.Show less
The complex nature of peace and security threats demands a profound approach that tackles the problem at its roots. Especially regional conflicts are highly interconnected with many causes and...Show moreThe complex nature of peace and security threats demands a profound approach that tackles the problem at its roots. Especially regional conflicts are highly interconnected with many causes and stakeholders, requiring the right collaborations between local, regional and international institutions. The purpose of this study is to investigate the influence of the African Union as a regional actor versus the United Nations as an international actor in addressing these complex challenges. The underlying motive is to research regional competences, difficulties and possibilities in the role as security actor. To do this, the regional and international response to the militant group Boko Haram in Nigeria is used to provide insight in the different dimensions of this conflict. It is argued that on the one hand, the African Union can act faster and is more relevant in cases of a regional conflict, but on the other hand suffers from a lack of neutrality. Besides this, the amount of resources and authority is limited, and financial means and legitimacy have mainly been provided by the United Nations up until now. Although the extent of influence is difficult to measure, the African Union has the potential to be of more significance and to increase its influence in effectively addressing regional conflicts on the African continent.Show less
This Master thesis tries to argue South Africa’s uncertain future as regional leader on the African continent. It builds on Geldenhuys’ description of South Africa as ideational leader almost a...Show moreThis Master thesis tries to argue South Africa’s uncertain future as regional leader on the African continent. It builds on Geldenhuys’ description of South Africa as ideational leader almost a decade later. South Africa’s intended withdrawal from the ICC’s jurisdiction of which they notified the world in October 2016, will be used as a case study to substantiate this argument. The intended withdrawal was a political move which at the time caused international chaos, but now 2 years have passed, there needs to be a reassessment of what has changed and what impact this decision had. Therefore, this thesis subsequently serves the purpose of creating a chronological overview of the events between 2002 and 2018 regarding the ICC, the African Union and South Africa.Show less
The theory on (security) regionalism has shown that both the SCO and AU are considered to be part of ‘weak state IO’s’, which was proven through the variables put forward by Kelly. Both the SCO and...Show moreThe theory on (security) regionalism has shown that both the SCO and AU are considered to be part of ‘weak state IO’s’, which was proven through the variables put forward by Kelly. Both the SCO and AU strengthen sovereignty by turning the security dilemma inwards, so as to handle the issue themselves, with varying degrees of success. However, the AU is susceptible to intervention from above or from one of its members, if the situation is deemed sufficiently worrying and ‘grave circumstances’ have been observed. The relationships between the individual states and their regional organisations are significantly different, due to their own power projection capabilities. China’s power projection capability is the second largest in the world and will continue to improve, as military spending will increase. Meanwhile, Nigeria’s socio-economic and governance issues have been obstacles in acquiring sufficient growth and thus projecting power. This was also shown in the case study and the government’s approach to handling the issue, eventually leading to the formation of the MNJTF together with its mandate to defeat Boko Haram. By imposing hard-hitting measures on the region, China is able to keep terrorist attacks inside the country to a minimum, while allowing law enforcement agencies to catch-up with the terrorists. This is exactly how the CT theory was explained in theory and thus proves its efficacy in action. The African Union’s military approach has emerged through the lack of control Nigeria’s government has over its territory and lack of effective law enforcement measures. As Boko Haram spread across borders, a multinational task force was established to combat the group. It shows that the framework to combat terrorism established by the SCO RATS has a more effective approach. However, due to the nature of these autocratic regimes and the tendency of elites in these regimes to use the regional security organisations for the purpose of promoting their “collective internal security”, the chance remains high for abuses of power, suppression of minorities and human rights abuses. This is what the thesis found for the situation in China; with the contested designation of ETIM as a terrorist organization, and ‘loose’ framework in SCO RATS to designate all unwanted ‘activities’ as terrorism. Although it has proven significantly effective, the provisions in the SCO RATS are at times vague such as ‘preventive measures’, which could be used to manipulate or even infringe upon basic human rights. Therefore, this paper would recommend to implement a regional oversight committee, including neutral UN observers which would provide checks and balances on the military (hard) and law enforcement (soft) measures. This seems highly unlikely, China’s capabilities have proven to be effective in getting international recognition but handling the issue discreetly by itself. Therefore, for China or other SCO members to ask for outsiders to join contradicts the essence of what the SCO is in the eyes of China, a way to gain international legitimacy and recognition, but also a way to keep external influence out of the region and letting them handle the problem by their own.Show less
In this thesis, three European integration theories are applied to the case of African integration. The use of federalism, neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism for explaining African...Show moreIn this thesis, three European integration theories are applied to the case of African integration. The use of federalism, neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism for explaining African regional cooperation are tested. Academic writing combining these two topics can hardly be found, creating a gap in the literature that this thesis seeks to fill. In analysing the historical development of the three theories, a set of indicators for each is constructed, leading to the formulation of hypotheses that are tested in the African case. The main driving force behind African integration in the 1950s and 1960s was the Pan- African movement calling for independence of African states and the end of colonialism. This ideologically driven movement was supported by a transnational elite pushing for regional cooperation. The main actors in creating the Organization of African Unity, the African Economic Community and the African Union were national leaders, basing their efforts both on Pan-African reasoning and on the maximization of national gains. The neofunctionalists’ main claim of spillover effects occurring in the integration process leading to wider and deeper cooperation cannot be proved, neither seems the role of supranational institutions to be of importance. This leads to the conclusion that a combination of federalist assumptions and liberal intergovernmentalist claims provides the best explanation for African integration.Show less
